Umroh Desember

Jasa Cuci Kursi Kantor di Jabodetabek ~ Kursi kantor juga merupakan salah satu element terpenting dalam sebuah kantor, kenyamana

Jasa Cuci Kursi Kantor di Jabodetabek ~ Kursi kantor juga merupakan salah satu element terpenting dalam sebuah kantor, kenyamanan kerja karyawan juga merupakan suatu hal yang dirasakan sangat perlu untuk diperhatikan oleh seorang pemilik perusahaan atau team pada kantor tersebut. Demi untuk Menjaga kebersihan kantor Anda, maka kami membuka Layanan Jasa Cuci Kursi kantor untuk Wilayah Jabodetabek, Jakarta, Bogor, Depok, dan Bekasi khususnya.

Anda Tidak perlu khawatir akan kesulitan menggunakan Jasa Cuci Kursi Kantor kami, yang perlu anda lakukan hanyalah dengan menelpon ke nomor Jasa Cuci Kursi Kantor yang kami sediakan untuk Anda. Setelah Menghubungi team Cuci Kursi Kantor kami, maka Team Kami akan segera mengunjungi kantor Anda untuk mencuci Kursi kantor yang ingin dibersihkan.memiliki tenaga handal plus dengan Alat Cuci Kursi Kantor terbaik yang ada di Jakarta., Jadi tidak perlu takut untuk memesan jasa cuci kursi kantor kami.

Jasa Cuci Kursi kantor kami menggunakan Alat modern yang menggunakan beberapa kemajuan tingkat teknologi terkini dalam Usaha Laundry Sofa dan Cuci Kursi kantor, Selain itu kami juga menggunakan Deterjen yang terbuat dari Bahan BioTechnology yang dijamin aman dan membunuh bakteri-bakteri menempel pada kursi kantor Anda.

Jasa Cuci Kursi Kantor adalah sebuah service istimewa untuk perusahan anda, kami juga akan memberikan Harga Khusus yang Coorporate untuk anda yang ingin bekerja sama dalam waktu jangka panjang dengan perusahaan kami.Banyak sekali kelebihan Jasa Cuci Kursi kantor yang akan kami berikan untuk Perusahaan Anda, Pemesanan Jasa Cuci Kursi kantor dalam Partai besar akan kami berikan diskon khusus untuk setiap pemesanan.


Partai Golkar berpendapat, rencana kenaikan harga bahan bakar minyak (BBM) bersubsidi terlambat.

JAKARTA, — Partai Golkar berpendapat, rencana kenaikan harga bahan bakar minyak (BBM) bersubsidi terlambat. Seharusnya pemerintah sudah menaikkan harga BBM sejak beberapa tahun lalu.

"Menurut kami, kenaikan harga BBM relatif terlambat," kata Wakil Sekretaris Jenderal DPP Partai Golkar Harry Azhar Aziz saat diskusi di Jakarta, Sabtu (8/6/2013).

Harry mengatakan, pihaknya secara rasional menyikapi rencana kenaikan harga BBM saat ini. Jika tidak mendukung kenaikan harga BBM, kata dia, maka parpol membiarkan pemerintah melanggar undang-undang lantaran defisit anggaran akan melampaui batas, yakni tiga persen.

"Pertanyaannya, apakah kita tahan kenaikan harga BBM? Apakah itu strategi PKS (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera) dan partai yang lain?" tanya Wakil Ketua Komisi XI DPR itu.

Ketika disinggung sikap Golkar saat pemerintah hendak menaikkan harga BBM tahun 2011, Harry menyebut ketika itu Golkar tidak menolak. Hanya saja, menurut dia, pihaknya memberikan batasan bahwa pemerintah hanya bisa menaikkan harga BBM ketika harga minyak dunia menyentuh 120 dollar per barrel. Kenyataannya, harga minyak tidak menyentuh angka itu.

Harry lalu menyinggung kenaikan harga BBM tahun 2008. Kata dia, harga BBM malah diturunkan kembali menjelang Pemilu 2009. Menurut Harry, tiga kali menurunkan harga BBM dari Rp 6.000 per liter hingga Rp 4.500 per liter yang menyebabkan Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono terpilih kembali menjadi presiden pada Pilpres 2009.

"Pak SBY sangat cerdik sekali. Golkar kurang cerdik. Yang umumkan kenaikan harga BBM adalah Pak JK (Jusuf Kalla, ketika itu Wakil Presiden), tapi ketika mengumumkan harga BBM turun Pak SBY. Golkar waktu itu bela pemerintah, tapi yang dibela tidak sadar," kata Harry sambil tertawa.

Editor :Liwon Maulana
Sumber: aikan.Harga.BBM

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.


“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

Mr. Miller, of the firm Weil, Gotshal & Manges, represented companies including Lehman Brothers, General Motors and American Airlines, and mentored many of the top Chapter 11 practitioners today.

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