berapa biaya haji plus 2017

Setiap tahunnya biaya naik haji baik haji reguler maupun haji khusus / plus pasti berbeda-beda, Call/Wa. 0821-6122-7222 hal ini dikarenakan adanya perubahan komponen harga untuk kebutuhan pokok naik haji seperti biaya transportasi dan akomodasi termasuk living cost yang dibutuhkan jamaah selama berada di tanah suci sangat fluktuatif. Selain menyediakan paket-paket haji onh plus, umrah dan tour muslim sebagai bentuk layanan yang tersedia, Travel Alhijaz Indowisata juga berusaha menghadirkan mutowif (pembimbing) ibadah umroh haji yang ahli dan mendalami bidang Fiqih Islam, terutama untuk masalah ibadah umrah dan haji.

berapa biaya haji plus 2017

berapa biaya haji plus tahun 2017

Setiap tahunnya biaya naik haji baik haji reguler maupun haji khusus / plus pasti berbeda-beda, Call/Wa. 0821-6122-7222 hal ini dikarenakan adanya perubahan komponen harga untuk kebutuhan pokok naik haji seperti biaya transportasi dan akomodasi termasuk living cost yang dibutuhkan jamaah selama berada di tanah suci sangat fluktuatif. Selain menyediakan paket-paket haji onh plus, umrah dan tour muslim sebagai bentuk layanan yang tersedia, Travel Alhijaz Indowisata juga berusaha menghadirkan mutowif (pembimbing) ibadah umroh haji yang ahli dan mendalami bidang Fiqih Islam, terutama untuk masalah ibadah umrah dan haji.

berapa biaya haji plus tahun 2017

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Setiap tahunnya biaya naik haji baik haji reguler maupun haji khusus / plus pasti berbeda-beda, Call/Wa. 0821-6122-7222 hal ini dikarenakan adanya perubahan komponen harga untuk kebutuhan pokok naik haji seperti biaya transportasi dan akomodasi termasuk living cost yang dibutuhkan jamaah selama berada di tanah suci sangat fluktuatif. Selain menyediakan paket-paket haji onh plus, umrah dan tour muslim sebagai bentuk layanan yang tersedia, Travel Alhijaz Indowisata juga berusaha menghadirkan mutowif (pembimbing) ibadah umroh haji yang ahli dan mendalami bidang Fiqih Islam, terutama untuk masalah ibadah umrah dan haji.

biaya daftar haji onh plus

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Setiap tahunnya biaya naik haji baik haji reguler maupun haji khusus / plus pasti berbeda-beda, Call/Wa. 0821-6122-7222 hal ini dikarenakan adanya perubahan komponen harga untuk kebutuhan pokok naik haji seperti biaya transportasi dan akomodasi termasuk living cost yang dibutuhkan jamaah selama berada di tanah suci sangat fluktuatif. Selain menyediakan paket-paket haji onh plus, umrah dan tour muslim sebagai bentuk layanan yang tersedia, Travel Alhijaz Indowisata juga berusaha menghadirkan mutowif (pembimbing) ibadah umroh haji yang ahli dan mendalami bidang Fiqih Islam, terutama untuk masalah ibadah umrah dan haji.

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biaya haji

Setiap tahunnya biaya naik haji baik haji reguler maupun haji khusus / plus pasti berbeda-beda, Call/Wa. 0821-6122-7222 hal ini dikarenakan adanya perubahan komponen harga untuk kebutuhan pokok naik haji seperti biaya transportasi dan akomodasi termasuk living cost yang dibutuhkan jamaah selama berada di tanah suci sangat fluktuatif. Selain menyediakan paket-paket haji onh plus, umrah dan tour muslim sebagai bentuk layanan yang tersedia, Travel Alhijaz Indowisata juga berusaha menghadirkan mutowif (pembimbing) ibadah umroh haji yang ahli dan mendalami bidang Fiqih Islam, terutama untuk masalah ibadah umrah dan haji.

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Setiap tahunnya biaya naik haji baik haji reguler maupun haji khusus / plus pasti berbeda-beda, Call/Wa. 0821-6122-7222 hal ini dikarenakan adanya perubahan komponen harga untuk kebutuhan pokok naik haji seperti biaya transportasi dan akomodasi termasuk living cost yang dibutuhkan jamaah selama berada di tanah suci sangat fluktuatif. Selain menyediakan paket-paket haji onh plus, umrah dan tour muslim sebagai bentuk layanan yang tersedia, Travel Alhijaz Indowisata juga berusaha menghadirkan mutowif (pembimbing) ibadah umroh haji yang ahli dan mendalami bidang Fiqih Islam, terutama untuk masalah ibadah umrah dan haji.

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Setiap tahunnya biaya naik haji baik haji reguler maupun haji khusus / plus pasti berbeda-beda, Call/Wa. 0821-6122-7222 hal ini dikarenakan adanya perubahan komponen harga untuk kebutuhan pokok naik haji seperti biaya transportasi dan akomodasi termasuk living cost yang dibutuhkan jamaah selama berada di tanah suci sangat fluktuatif. Selain menyediakan paket-paket haji onh plus, umrah dan tour muslim sebagai bentuk layanan yang tersedia, Travel Alhijaz Indowisata juga berusaha menghadirkan mutowif (pembimbing) ibadah umroh haji yang ahli dan mendalami bidang Fiqih Islam, terutama untuk masalah ibadah umrah dan haji.

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biaya haji Banjar

Setiap tahunnya biaya naik haji baik haji reguler maupun haji khusus / plus pasti berbeda-beda, Call/Wa. 0821-6122-7222 hal ini dikarenakan adanya perubahan komponen harga untuk kebutuhan pokok naik haji seperti biaya transportasi dan akomodasi termasuk living cost yang dibutuhkan jamaah selama berada di tanah suci sangat fluktuatif. Selain menyediakan paket-paket haji onh plus, umrah dan tour muslim sebagai bentuk layanan yang tersedia, Travel Alhijaz Indowisata juga berusaha menghadirkan mutowif (pembimbing) ibadah umroh haji yang ahli dan mendalami bidang Fiqih Islam, terutama untuk masalah ibadah umrah dan haji.

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Setiap tahunnya biaya naik haji baik haji reguler maupun haji khusus / plus pasti berbeda-beda, Call/Wa. 0821-6122-7222 hal ini dikarenakan adanya perubahan komponen harga untuk kebutuhan pokok naik haji seperti biaya transportasi dan akomodasi termasuk living cost yang dibutuhkan jamaah selama berada di tanah suci sangat fluktuatif. Selain menyediakan paket-paket haji onh plus, umrah dan tour muslim sebagai bentuk layanan yang tersedia, Travel Alhijaz Indowisata juga berusaha menghadirkan mutowif (pembimbing) ibadah umroh haji yang ahli dan mendalami bidang Fiqih Islam, terutama untuk masalah ibadah umrah dan haji.

biaya haji Bantar Gebang

Bekasi, Saco-Indonesia.com — Asian Agri Group (AAG) menyatakan sanggup membayar denda pajak senilai Rp 2,5 triliun.

Bekasi, Saco-Indonesia.com — Asian Agri Group (AAG) menyatakan sanggup membayar denda pajak senilai Rp 2,5 triliun. Namun, atas dasar kelangsungan usaha, Kejaksaan Agung pun telah menyetujui pembayaran pertama Asian Agri sebesar Rp 719.955.391.304.

Jaksa Agung RI Basrief Arief di Kejaksaan Agung, Jakarta, Kamis (30/1/2014), mengatakan, kekurangan denda pajak akan dibayarkan dengan dicicil setiap bulan Rp 200 miliar. "Yang Rp 1,8 triliun lagi itu dibayar per bulan Rp 200 miliar dan akan berakhir bulan Oktober 2014. Ini yang sudah kita sepakati," kata Basrief.

Ia yakin Asian Agri patuh memenuhi cicilan. Hal itu lantaran, sebagai jaminan pembayaran cicilan tiap bulan, Asian Agri telah menjaminkan sebanyak 126 giro bilyet. Basrief mengatakan, jaminan sudah diserahkan ke Bank Mandiri. Ia menambahkan bahwa dirinya telah bertemu dengan Direktur Utama Bank Mandiri untuk memberikan atensi lebih pada kasus ini.

Saat ditanya perihal landasan hukum denda pajak bisa dicicil, Basrief mengatakan memang tidak ada dasar hukumnya. Ia justru meminta pakar asset recovery, Andi Lolo, yang juga hadir di Kejaksaan Agung pagi ini, untuk menjelaskan.

"Berkaitan masalah bisa dicicil, memang tidak ada ketentuan yang mengatur, tapi mungkin Pak Andi Lolo bisa menyampaikan pendapatnya. Yang jelas yang dilakukan jaksa kita sudah melakukan putusan," terang Basrief.

"Seperti yang saya katakan tadi, total nominal yang begitu besar pasti menimbulkan kerepotan sendiri. Bagaimanapun juga, perusahaan harus tetap jalan, ada 25.000 karyawan, dan 29.000 petani plasma. Yang penting negara dapat melaksanakan sesuai putusan itu," katanya.

Berdasarkan putusan MA No.2239K/PID.SUS/2012 tanggal 18 Desember 2012, Asian Agri dinyatakan kurang membayar pajak pada periode 2002-2005 senilai Rp 1,25 triliun dan denda Rp 1,25 triliun. Total yang harus dibayarkan Rp 2,5 triliun. Jika tidak dibayar hingga tenggat 1 Februari 2014, aset Asian Agri yang di antaranya 14 perusahaan kelapa sawit terancam disita.

Sumber :kompas.com

Editor : Maulana Lee

Objek wisata Gunung Bromo tentu juga sudah sering terdengar bukan ditelinga Anda, terutama Masyarakat Jawa Timur sendiri. Siapa

Objek wisata Gunung Bromo tentu juga sudah sering terdengar bukan ditelinga Anda, terutama Masyarakat Jawa Timur sendiri. Siapa yang tak sangka Gunung berapi yang masih dalam status aktif ini juga merupakan salah satu objek wisata yang sangat populer di kawasan Jawa Timur, Indonesia. Gunung dengan ketinggian 2.392 meter di atas permukaan laut ini telah terletak di dalam 4 kawasan yakni Pasuruan, Kab. Probolinggo, Lumajang dan Kab. Malang.

Bagi Anda yang baru pertama kali berwisata ke Gunung Bromo ini jangan heran jika Anda dibuat terkesan akan keindahan panorama alam Bromo yang begitu sangat menakjubkan. Hamparan savana hijau bersamaan dengan lautan pasir yang telah memiliki luas sekitar 10 kilometer persegi benar benar siap memukau siapa saja yang melihatnya. Gunung Bromo juga terkenal akan kawahnya yang begitu indah ketika mengeluarkan asap belerang yang relatif cukup tipis. Disekitar Gunung Bromo juga terdapat Gunung Batok, Gunung Semeru dan Gunung Penanjakan yang telah menjadi lokasi paling strategis untuk dapat melihat sunrise dari puncak Gunung Bromo.

Salah satu peristiwa yang unik di kawasan Gunung Bromo adalah tradisi adat yang bernama “Yadnya Kasada atau Kasodo” yang selalu diselenggarakan penduduk Tengger di sebuah pura yang terletak di bawah kaki Gunung Bromo Utara setiap bulan purnama. Pada saat upacara adat ini berlangsung, jumlah pengunjung yang datang bisa melonjak berlipat lipat termasuk berbagai media Nasional dan Internasional yang datang untuk meliput tradisi yang unik ini. Untuk masalah tempat penginapan Anda tidak perlu khawatir karena di kawasan Bromo sudah banyak berdiri hotel, villa dan tempat penginapan lainnya yang dapat Anda sewa.

saco-indonesia.com, Tanpa aku sadari Apa yang telah ku beri Tanpa aku mengerti Hingga kau lumpuhkan hati Takdirkah semu

saco-indonesia.com,

Tanpa aku sadari
Apa yang telah ku beri
Tanpa aku mengerti
Hingga kau lumpuhkan hati

Takdirkah semua ini
Akhir sesal dihati
Tak bisa aku pergi
Meski kau tak ku miliki

Ku puja, ku damba
Yang ku rasa

Reff
Ku tahu aku yang kedua
Mungkin kah ku yang utama
Ku tahu kau pun mencinta
Ku dan dia

Takdirkah semua ini
Akhir sesal dihati
Tak bisa aku pergi
Meski kau tak ku miliki


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

saco-indonesia.com, Dipercaya atau tidak, warna adalah salah satu yang dapat membuat emosi dan kinerja manusia menjadi baik. Unt

saco-indonesia.com, Dipercaya atau tidak, warna adalah salah satu yang dapat membuat emosi dan kinerja manusia menjadi baik. Untuk itu, Canon telah mempersembahkan produk printer yaitu PIXMA MC7170 dengan beragam warna.

Sekarang ini, mayoritas printer yang telah beredar di pasaran hanya telah memiliki warna yang sudah digunakan oleh banyak perusahaan produsen mesin cetak lainnya, seperti hitam, putih atau abu-abu.

Melalui Datascrip sebagai authorized distributor-nya di Indonesia, Canon telah menghadirkan PIXMA MG7170, printer foto All in One (AIO) dengan 3 pilihan warna elegan dan menarik, yaitu coklat, merah dan hitam.

Selain bervariasi dari sisi warna tampilan yang colourful, penggunanya juga dapat dengan mudah mengoperasikannya, apalagi dengan dukungan teknologi nirkabel di dalamnya.

Dilengkapi dengan koneksi Wi-Fi, pengguna juga dapat dengan mudah untuk mencetak dan memindai tanpa harus terkoneksi dengan PC atau jaringan router. Printer ini juga dilengkapi dengan Access Point Mode yang telah didesain untuk dapat menjawab kebutuhan cetak tanpa harus menghubungkan perangkat dengan printer melalui kabel.

Dengan demikian, siapa saja juga dapat langsung mencetak hasil jepretan dari kamera digitalnya yang telah didukung oleh DPS over IP protocol atau dengan Wireless PictBridge yang lebih familiar.

Desain yang compact telah memberikan keleluasaan dan efisiensi dalam penempatan di berbagai sudut ruang rumah atau kantor. PIXMA MG7170 juga sudah dibekali dengan Canon's Intelligent Touch System, yaitu fitur layar sentuh untuk panel operasional dan layar LCD. Fitur ini juga hanya akan menyala pada tombol tertentu saat dioperasikan, menjadikan printer ini lebih sederhana.

Dengan PIXMA Cloud Link terbaru, telah membuat proses mencetak di PIXMA MG7170 jadi lebih seru. PIXMA Cloud Link ini telah terintegrasi penuh dengan fasilitas cloud printing di mana pengguna juga dapat mencetak dari situs jejaring sosial seperti Facebook dan Twitter ataupun situs berbagi foto seperti Picasa, Photobucket dan Flickr, bahkan dari layanan cloud storage seperti Evernote dan Dropbox.

Pengguna dari PIXMA MG7170 cukup login, kemudian memilih foto atau dokumen, lalu bisa langsung cetak. Itu semua dilakukan melalui layar LCD printer, tanpa menggunakan PC.

Bagi para pengguna tablet atau smartphone yang berbasis iOS atau Android juga bisa langsung mencetak maupun mendapatkan file scan dari printer ini.

Anda juga dapat dengan mudah untuk mengirimkan file ke perangkat mobile sehingga tidak perlu repot membawa lembaran dokumen hard copy.

"Kehadiran printer PIXMA MG7170 ini juga semakin memanjakan pengguna dengan pilihan tampilan warna yang menarik, serta fitur dan teknologi yang semakin memudahkan untuk proses mencetak maupun memindai, tanpa harus melalui PC atau terhubung melalui kabel. Cukup dengan perangkat mobile seperti tablet, smartphone ataupun kamera digital yang dapat terkoneksi Wi-Fi telah mencetak menjadi lebih mudah," Merry Harun, Canon Division Director, PT Datascrip.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

   HADIST TENTANG REJEKI 1. Mencari rezeki yang halal adalah wajib sesudah menunaikan yang fardhu (seperti shalat,

   HADIST TENTANG REJEKI

1. Mencari rezeki yang halal adalah wajib sesudah menunaikan yang fardhu (seperti shalat, puasa, dll). (HR. Ath-Thabrani dan Al-Baihaqi)

2. Sesungguhnya Ruhul Qudus (malaikat Jibril) membisikkan dalam benakku bahwa jiwa tidak akan wafat sebelum lengkap dan sempurna rezekinya. Karena itu hendaklah kamu bertakwa kepada Allah dan memperbaikimata pencaharianmu. Apabila datangnya rezeki itu terlambat, janganlah kamu memburunya dengan jalan bermaksiat kepada Allah karena apa yang ada di sisi Allah hanya bisa diraih dengan ketaatan kepada-Nya. (HR. Abu Zar dan Al Hakim)

3. Sesungguhnya Allah suka kepada hamba yang berkarya dan terampil (professional atau ahli). Barangsiapa bersusah-payah mencari nafkah untuk keluarganya maka dia serupa dengan seorang mujahid di jalan Allah Azza wajalla. (HR. Ahmad)

4. Barangsiapa pada malam hari merasakan kelelahan dari upaya ketrampilan kedua tangannya pada siang hari maka pada malam itu ia diampuni oleh Allah. (HR. Ahmad)

5. Sesungguhnya di antara dosa-dosa ada yang tidak bisa dihapus (ditebus) dengan pahala shalat, sedekah atau haji namun hanya dapat ditebus dengan kesusah-payahan dalam mencari nafkah. (HR. Ath-Thabrani)

6. Sesungguhnya Allah Ta’ala senang melihat hambaNya bersusah payah (lelah) dalam mencari rezeki yang halal. (HR. Ad-Dailami)

7. Seorang yang membawa tambang lalu pergi mencari dan mengumpulkan kayu bakar lantas dibawanya ke pasar untuk dijual dan uangnya digunakan untuk mencukupi kebutuhan dan nafkah dirinya maka itu lebih baik dari seorang yang meminta-minta kepada orang-orang yang terkadang diberi dan kadang ditolak. (Mutafaq’alaih)

8. Tiada makanan yang lebih baik daripada hasil usaha tangan sendiri. (HR. Bukhari)

9. Apabila dibukakan bagi seseorang pintu rezeki maka hendaklah dia melestarikannya. (HR. Al-Baihaqi)

Keterangan:

Yakni senantiasa bersungguh-sungguh dan konsentrasi di bidang usaha tersebut, serta jangan suka berpindah-pindah ke pintu-pintu rezeki lain atau berpindah-pindah usaha karena di khawatirkan pintu rezeki yang sudah jelas dibukakan tersebut menjadi hilang dari genggaman karena kesibukkan nya mengurus usaha yang lain. Seandainya memang mampu maka hal tersebut tidak mengapa.

10. Seusai shalat fajar (subuh) janganlah kamu tidur sehingga melalaikan kamu untuk mencari rezeki. (HR. Ath-Thabrani)

11. Bangunlah pagi hari untuk mencari rezeki dan kebutuhan-kebutuhanmu. Sesungguhnya pada pagi hari terdapat barokah dan keberuntungan. (HR. Ath- Thabrani dan Al-Bazzar)

12. Ya Allah, berkahilah umatku pada waktu pagi hari mereka (bangun fajar). (HR. Ahmad)

13. Barangsiapa menghidupkan lahan mati maka lahan itu untuk dia. (HR. Abu Dawud dan Aththusi)

Keterangan:

Hal tersebut khusus untuk lahan atau tanah kosong yang tidak ada pemiliknya. Jika lahan atau tanah kosong tersebut ada pemiliknya maka tidak boleh diambil dengan jalan yang bathil.

14. Carilah rezeki di perut bumi. (HR. Abu Ya’la)

15. Pengangguran menyebabkan hati keras (keji dan membeku). (HR. Asysyihaab)

16. Allah memberi rezeki kepada hambaNya sesuai dengan kegiatan dan kemauan kerasnya serta ambisinya. (HR. Aththusi)

17. Mata pencaharian paling afdhol adalah berjualan dengan penuh kebajikan dan dari hasil keterampilan tangan. (HR. Al-Bazzar dan Ahmad)

18. Sebaik-baik mata pencaharian ialah hasil keterampilan tangan seorang buruh apabila dia jujur (ikhlas). (HR. Ahmad)

#Devan alfandy#

Pada dasarnya orang yang sudah memenuhi syarat-syarat untuk mengerjakan haji, wajib hukumnya menunaikan ibadah tersebut. Akan te

Pada dasarnya orang yang sudah memenuhi syarat-syarat untuk mengerjakan haji, wajib hukumnya menunaikan ibadah tersebut. Akan tetapi, bagaimana jika ia menunda ibadah hajinya?

Ada dua pendapat di kalangan para ulama tentang masalah ini. Pertama, haji wajib segera dilaksanakan apabila seseorang telah memiliki kemampuan untuk pergi ke Baitullah. Pendapat ini didukung oleh para ulama madzhab Hanafi, Maliki, dan Hanbali.

Pendapat kedua, haji wajib dilaksanakan dengan kelonggaran waktu. Artinya, meski seseorang sudah mampu menunaikan ibadah haji namun ia boleh melaksanakannya di lain kesempatan. Pendapat ini didukung oleh ulama madzhab Syafi’i, sebagian ulama madzhab Hanafi, dan sebagian ulama madzhab Maliki.

Terlepas dari dua pendapat yang berbeda di atas, haji tidak dapat ditunda-tunda jika ada hal-hal yang mengharuskannya segera dilaksanakan. Misalnya, karena nadzar, qadha’, kekhawatiran bahwa tahun-tahun berikutnya jatuh sakit atau meninggal dunia, maupun harta benda yang berkurang sehingga tidak cukup digunakan untuk membayar biaya haji.

Dalam kondisi-kondisi seperti itu, menunda pelaksanaan ibadah haji dilarang. Pada saat yang sama, jika syarat- syarat menunaikan haji sudah terpenuhi maka sunnah hukumnya segera melaksanakannya. Wallahu’alam

Sumber : http://www.jurnalhaji.com

Baca Artikel Lainnya : FILOSOFI DARI BERNIAT HAJI

saco-indonesia.com, Koordinator Masyarakat Anti-Korupsi Indonesia (MAKI), Boyamin Saiman, telah mengatakan, untuk dapat menjaga

saco-indonesia.com, Koordinator Masyarakat Anti-Korupsi Indonesia (MAKI), Boyamin Saiman, telah mengatakan, untuk dapat menjaga kepercayaan publik, Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) sebaiknya segera untuk memeriksa Edhie Baskoro Yudhoyono (Ibas) terkait dalam kasus sport center Hambalang.

“Segerakan periksa Ibas atau publik tidak akan percaya lagi sama KPK,” kata Boyamin, Kamis 6 Februari 2014 kemarin malam.

Menurut dia, nama Ibas juga sudah disebut-sebut terkait dalam kasus Hambalang, baik oleh Yulianis sebagai mantan Wakil Direktur Keuangan Grup Permai, maupun mantan ketua Umum Partai Demokrat, Anas Urbaningrum.

Karena itu, publik juga harus mengetahui sejauh mana keterlibatan Ibas bila memang ada. Selain itu, pemeriksaan tersebut untuk dapat meluruskan keseimpangsiuran dugaan keterlibatannya.

“Pertimbangan karena dia (Ibas) anak Presiden tentu ada. Jika dihalang-halangi dari pemeriksaan tersebut akan menjadi kerugian, baik bagi KPK maupun Pemerintahan Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. SBY sendiri pernah berkoar-koar mengatakan ‘Saya akan menjadi panglima terdepan memberantasan korupsi’,” tuturnya.

Yulianis, yang juga saksi kunci kasus Hambalang, juga pernah mengatakan bahwa Bos Grup Permai yang juga mantan Bendahara Umum Partai Demokrat Muhammad Nazaruddin, telah memberikan uang USD200 ribu kepada Ibas. Uang tersebut diberikan terkait dalam Kongres Partai Demokrat 2010.

Meski demikian, Yulianis juga mengaku tidak melihat langsung uang tersebut diserahkan oleh Nazaruddin.

Selain itu, Anas juga telah menganggap Ibas layak diperiksa KPK sebagai saksi seputar aliran dana proyek Hambalang. “Kalau saya ditanya, apakah Mas Ibas layak dimintai keterangan oleh KPK? Menurut saya, layak,” ujar Anas


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

saco-indonesia.com, "Saya Diandra, usia 21 tahun, sebentar lagi saya akan wisuda di jurusan komunikasi.

Saco-Indonesia.com - "Saya Diandra, usia 21 tahun, sebentar lagi saya akan wisuda di jurusan komunikasi. Saya sedang bingung ingin berkarier di bidang apa. Ada yang bilang, cari kerja apa saja yang penting berpenghasilan baik. Ada juga yang bilang kalau bekerja harus sesuai dengan passion. Saya ingin sekali bekerja di bidang yang saya sukai, sesuai dengan passion itu. Tapi saya masih bingung apakah perbedaan antara hobi dan passion? Saya suka bermain musik, menggambar, dan apa pun yang berhubungan dengan dunia seni. Kira-kira karier apa yang sesuai dengan karakter saya?" (Diandra, Jakarta)

Agar Anda tidak bingung, saya akan menjelaskan apa sih persamaan dan perbedaan antara passion dan hobi. Passion, menurut definisi dalam kamus Merriam Webster, adalah "A strong liking or desire for or devotion to some activity, object, or concept", atau bisa dijelaskan sebagai "Suatu rasa suka atau kegemaran dalam kadar yang kuat, mengenai suatu kegiatan, obyek, atau konsep".

Sementara hobby, menurut kamus Merriam Webster pula, adalah "A pursuit outside one's regular occupation engaged in especially for relaxation" atau "Suatu bentuk pencarian terhadap aspek di luar kegiatan rutin seseorang, khususnya yang melibatkan tercapainya relaksasi".

Nah, di sini kita bisa melihat kesamaan antara passion dan hobby, yakni keduanya bisa menajdi faktor pemicu seseorang dalam bekerja atau berkarier. Perbedaannya terletak pada aspek motivasi awal. Passion yang timbul  dari gairah yang menyala-nyala bisa mengarahkan seseorang pada kegiatan produktif. Sementara hobby cenderung bisa mengarahkan pada tindakan konsumtif, memanfaatkan waktu luang, agar seseorang bisa lebih rileks.

(CHIC/Donna Turner, konsultan Sumber Daya Manusia)

Editor :Liwon Maulana(galipat)
Sumber:Kompas.com

Dr. Irsyal Rusad. Sp.PD Spesialis Penyakit Dalam Lulusan Fakultas Kedokteran Universitas Gadjah Mada. Anggota Persatuan Ahli Penyakit Dalam Infonesia ( PAPDI) dan Pengurus PAPDI Cabang Riau. Berminat dalam bidang Healthy Life, Healthy Aging, dan Diabetes Mellitus.

KOMPAS.com - Beberapa penyakit kronis yang diderita sekarang, seperti diabetes, hipertensi, stroke, jantung dan sebagainya berkaitan erat dengan apa yang kita masukkan ke dalam perut kita, atau apa yang kita makan. Sayangnya, ditengah-tengah kesibukan kehidupan modern sekarang ini, apa yang kita masukkan itu sering luput dari perhatian kita, maka tidak heran penyakit-penyakit itu menjadi pembunuh utama kita sekarang ini.

Beberapa tips di bawah ini mudah-mudahan dapat membantu Anda.

1. Makanlah hanya pada saat lapar

Makanlah saat Anda lapar bukan pada saat Anda sedih, bosan, stres, ada resepsi, undangan, atau hanya karena ada makanan yang gratis, makanan yang kelihatan menggugah selera. Bila Anda makan karena alasan ini, maka makanan yang Anda konsumsi biasanya cendrung tidak sehat, berlebihan, dan apa yang menjadi tujuan dari makan sendiri untuk memelihara tubuh, kenikmatan, kepuasan  memperoleh enerji yang cukup tidak akan tercapai, malah sebaliknya, penyakit yang akan Anda dapatkan. Tapi, bila Anda makan hanya waktu lapar nikmatnya makanan itu akan lebih Anda rasakan. Di samping itu, Anda tidak perlu makan berlebihan, sampai kekenyangan, agar Anda puas, merasa sudah cukup, tapi kalau Anda makan karena sedih, bosan, stres, lagi bersenang-senang, Anda memerlukan makanan yang lebih banyak.

2. Makanlah masakan dari dapur Anda sendiri

Mengkonsumsi makanan yang Anda beli di luar, dengan makanan yang Anda masak sendiri pasti tidak sama kualitas dan pengaruhnya. Makanan yang dari dapur Anda, Anda sendiri yang menentukan apa yang akan Anda masak, mau memasak daging, ikan, sayur, berapa banyaknya, apa bumbunya, berapa garamnya, dan bagaimana memasaknya. Apa yang Anda masak, apa bumbunya, berapa garam yang Anda masukkan, bagaimana memasaknya akan menentukan kualitas makanan yang akan Anda makan. Di samping itu, aktivitas di dapur yang Anda lakukan dapat menjadi sesuatu yang menyenangkan, dan membakar cadangan energi Anda. Bila anda makan di luar, yang menentukan sesuatumya adalah kokinya, tidak hanya cara mengolahnya, tetapi juga apa yang harus Anda makan. Sayangnya, dapur kita sekarang sudah jarang berasap.

3. Pilihlah piring yang lebih kecil

Apa, berapa, dan bagaimana makanan yang Anda taruh dalam piring Anda akan mempengaruhi selera makan Anda, rasa puas, kenyang, dan kesan yang Anda lihat melalui mata juga akan akan mempengarhui porsi makanan Anda. Piring yang lebih kecil yang Anda pilih memberi kesan bahwa makanan yang ditaruh di atasnya kelihatan menjadi lebih banyak. Ini dapat mencegah Anda makan lebih banyak juga

4. Makanlah lebih sedikit, tetapi lebih sering

Dalam keadaan serba sibuk sekarang ini, ada kecendrungan orang makan 1-2 kali saja sehari, tetapi dalam porsi yang besar. Banyak yang tidak sempat makan pagi, kompensasinya mereka makan siang dalam jumlah yang besar atau sebaliknya. Makan dengan pola ini ternyata tidak sehat, memberikan beban belebihan pada perut Anda dalam sekaligus, dengan bermacam keluhan seperti, perut tidak nyaman,  menyesak, mual, muntah, cegukan, dan pengolahan, penyerapan makanan tidak sempurna. Bahkan banyak laporan kejadian serangan jantung akibat pola makan seperti ini.

Di samping itu, makan  banyak sekaligus, apalagi Anda mengkonsumsi makanan yang indeks glikemiknya tinggi, makanan kurang mengandung serat, kadar gula darah Anda dapat naik mendadak, yang kemudian juga memacu pelepasan Insulin dalam jumlah besar. Pelepasan insulin dalam jumlah besar ini mengakibat gula darah turun cepat juga, sehingga menimbulkan gejala seperti letih, mood anda terganggu, mmengantuk dan Anda cendrung mencari makanan ringan yang manis-manis. Sebaliknya, makan lebih sedikit, tetapi lebih sering, disamping sehat untuk sistem pencernaan, juga dapat mempertahankan gula darah Anda lebih stabil. Karena itu kebiasaan ini  bisa mengurangi risiko ancaman diabetes. Jadi, biasakanlah makan dalam porsi lebih kecil tetapi frekwensi lebih sering. Ada ahli yang menganjurkan 4-5 kali dalam sehari lebih untuk Anda.

5. Makanlah dengan rileks, santai, dan pelan-pelan

Karena merasa waktu yang sempit, diburu target, banyak dari kita yang makan sekarang ini,  dibawah tekanan, dalam keadaan stres, saat menonton TV, di depan komputer, di atas meja kerjai, sedang berjalan, bahkan selagi membawa kendaraan. Bila Anda tidak fokus dengan makanan di depan Anda, disamping Anda tidak dapat menikmati makanan itu, sistem pencernaan anda juga akan terganngu. Anda juga cendrung makan dalam porsi berlebihan. Sebaiknya makanlah dalam  keadaan tenang, pelan-pelan. Makan dengan situasi begini memberi Anda kesempatan menikmati makanan lebih baik, mengunyah lebih lama dan sistem pencernaan kita juga berkerja lebih sempurna.

Makan terburu-buru, misalnya 1-2 piring sudah habis Anda santap dalam 10 menit, atau kurang, tetapi Anda masih belum merasa kenyang, puas,  ini disebabkan oleh refleks puas, kenyang yang sampai ke otak kita perlu waktu sekitar  20 menit setelah kita mulai makan. Jadi, kalau Anda makan terburu-buru Anda juga cendrung makan dalam jumlah yang lebih besar. Anda baru tahu bahwa Anda makan berlebihan beberapa saat setelah Anda berhenti makan.

Bila 5 kiat di atas dapat Anda jalani, Insya Allah di samping kemungkinan Anda menjadi penyandang beberapa penyakit kronis, diabetes, hipertensi, jantung, stroke dapat diperkecil, tubuh Anda juga akan lebih cantik dan sehat.

 

Joseph Lechleider

Mr. Lechleider helped invent DSL technology, which enabled phone companies to offer high-speed web access over their infrastructure of copper wires.

As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.

A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.

“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”

Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.

Continue reading the main story Video
Play Video|1:17

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

At an event announcing the creation of a nonprofit focusing on young minority men, President Obama talked about the underlying reasons for recent protests in Baltimore and other cities.

By Associated Press on Publish Date May 4, 2015. Photo by Stephen Crowley/The New York Times.

In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.

“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”

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Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.

Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.

The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.

“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”

The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.

But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.

After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”

Photo
 
President Obama on Monday with Darinel Montero, a student at Bronx International High School who introduced him before remarks at Lehman College in the Bronx. Credit Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.

That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.

“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”

On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.

The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.

In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.

“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”

Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”

His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.

“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”

WASHINGTON — A decade after emergency trailers meant to shelter Hurricane Katrina victims instead caused burning eyes, sore throats and other more serious ailments, the Environmental Protection Agency is on the verge of regulating the culprit: formaldehyde, a chemical that can be found in commonplace things like clothes and furniture.

But an unusual assortment of players, including furniture makers, the Chinese government, Republicans from states with a large base of furniture manufacturing and even some Democrats who championed early regulatory efforts, have questioned the E.P.A. proposal. The sustained opposition has held sway, as the agency is now preparing to ease key testing requirements before it releases the landmark federal health standard.

The E.P.A.’s five-year effort to adopt this rule offers another example of how industry opposition can delay and hamper attempts by the federal government to issue regulations, even to control substances known to be harmful to human health.

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Document: The Formaldehyde Fight

Formaldehyde is a known carcinogen that can also cause respiratory ailments like asthma, but the potential of long-term exposure to cause cancers like myeloid leukemia is less well understood.

The E.P.A.’s decision would be the first time that the federal government has regulated formaldehyde inside most American homes.

“The stakes are high for public health,” said Tom Neltner, senior adviser for regulatory affairs at the National Center for Healthy Housing, who has closely monitored the debate over the rules. “What we can’t have here is an outcome that fails to confront the health threat we all know exists.”

The proposal would not ban formaldehyde — commonly used as an ingredient in wood glue in furniture and flooring — but it would impose rules that prevent dangerous levels of the chemical’s vapors from those products, and would set testing standards to ensure that products sold in the United States comply with those limits. The debate has sharpened in the face of growing concern about the safety of formaldehyde-treated flooring imported from Asia, especially China.

What is certain is that a lot of money is at stake: American companies sell billions of dollars’ worth of wood products each year that contain formaldehyde, and some argue that the proposed regulation would impose unfair costs and restrictions.

Determined to block the agency’s rule as proposed, these industry players have turned to the White House, members of Congress and top E.P.A. officials, pressing them to roll back the testing requirements in particular, calling them redundant and too expensive.

“There are potentially over a million manufacturing jobs that will be impacted if the proposed rule is finalized without changes,” wrote Bill Perdue, the chief lobbyist at the American Home Furnishings Alliance, a leading critic of the testing requirements in the proposed regulation, in one letter to the E.P.A.

Industry opposition helped create an odd alignment of forces working to thwart the rule. The White House moved to strike out key aspects of the proposal. Subsequent appeals for more changes were voiced by players as varied as Senator Barbara Boxer, Democrat of California, and Senator Roger Wicker, Republican of Mississippi, as well as furniture industry lobbyists.

Hurricane Katrina in 2005 helped ignite the public debate over formaldehyde, after the deadly storm destroyed or damaged hundreds of thousands of homes along the Gulf of Mexico, forcing families into temporary trailers provided by the Federal Emergency Management Agency.

The displaced storm victims quickly began reporting respiratory problems, burning eyes and other issues, and tests then confirmed high levels of formaldehyde fumes leaking into the air inside the trailers, which in many cases had been hastily constructed.

Public health advocates petitioned the E.P.A. to issue limits on formaldehyde in building materials and furniture used in homes, given that limits already existed for exposure in workplaces. But three years after the storm, only California had issued such limits.

Industry groups like the American Chemistry Council have repeatedly challenged the science linking formaldehyde to cancer, a position championed by David Vitter, the Republican senator from Louisiana, who is a major recipient of chemical industry campaign contributions, and whom environmental groups have mockingly nicknamed “Senator Formaldehyde.”

Continue reading the main story

Formaldehyde in Laminate Flooring

In laminate flooring, formaldehyde is used as a bonding agent in the fiberboard (or other composite wood) core layer and may also be used in glues that bind layers together. Concerns were raised in March when certain laminate flooring imported from China was reported to contain levels of formaldehyde far exceeding the limit permitted by California.

Typical

laminate

flooring

CLEAR FINISH LAYER

Often made of melamine resin

PATTERN LAYER

Paper printed to resemble wood,

or a thin wood veneer

GLUE

Layers may be bound using

formaldehyde-based glues

CORE LAYER

Fiberboard or other

composite, formed using

formaldehyde-based adhesives

BASE LAYER

Moisture-resistant vapor barrier

What is formaldehyde?

Formaldehyde is a common chemical used in many industrial and household products as an adhesive, bonding agent or preservative. It is classified as a volatile organic compound. The term volatile means that, at room temperature, formaldehyde will vaporize, or become a gas. Products made with formaldehyde tend to release this gas into the air. If breathed in large quantities, it may cause health problems.

WHERE IT IS COMMONLY FOUND

POTENTIAL HEALTH RISKS

Pressed-wood and composite wood products

Wallpaper and paints

Spray foam insulation used in construction

Commercial wood floor finishes

Crease-resistant fabrics

In cigarette smoke, or in the fumes from combustion of other materials, including wood, oil and gasoline.

Exposure to formaldehyde in sufficient amounts may cause eye, throat or skin irritation, allergic reactions, and respiratory problems like coughing, wheezing or asthma.

Long-term exposure to high levels has been associated with cancer in humans and laboratory animals.

Exposure to formaldehyde may affect some people more severely than others.

By 2010, public health advocates and some industry groups secured bipartisan support in Congress for legislation that ordered the E.P.A. to issue federal rules that largely mirrored California’s restrictions. At the time, concerns were rising over the growing number of lower-priced furniture imports from Asia that might include contaminated products, while also hurting sales of American-made products.

Maneuvering began almost immediately after the E.P.A. prepared draft rules to formally enact the new standards.

White House records show at least five meetings in mid-2012 with industry executives — kitchen cabinet makers, chemical manufacturers, furniture trade associations and their lobbyists, like Brock R. Landry, of the Venable law firm. These parties, along with Senator Vitter’s office, appealed to top administration officials, asking them to intervene to roll back the E.P.A. proposal.

The White House Office of Management and Budget, which reviews major federal regulations before they are adopted, apparently agreed. After the White House review, the E.P.A. “redlined” many of the estimates of the monetary benefits that would be gained by reductions in related health ailments, like asthma and fertility issues, documents reviewed by The New York Times show.

As a result, the estimated benefit of the proposed rule dropped to $48 million a year, from as much as $278 million a year. The much-reduced amount deeply weakened the agency’s justification for the sometimes costly new testing that would be required under the new rules, a federal official involved in the effort said.

“It’s a redlining blood bath,” said Lisa Heinzerling, a Georgetown University Law School professor and a former E.P.A. official, using the Washington phrase to describe when language is stricken from a proposed rule. “Almost the entire discussion of these potential benefits was excised.”

Senator Vitter’s staff was pleased.

“That’s a huge difference,” said Luke Bolar, a spokesman for Mr. Vitter, of the reduced estimated financial benefits, saying the change was “clearly highlighting more mismanagement” at the E.P.A.

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The review’s outcome galvanized opponents in the furniture industry. They then targeted a provision that mandated new testing of laminated wood, a cheaper alternative to hardwood. (The California standard on which the law was based did not require such testing.)

But E.P.A. scientists had concluded that these laminate products — millions of which are sold annually in the United States — posed a particular risk. They said that when thin layers of wood, also known as laminate or veneer, are added to furniture or flooring in the final stages of manufacturing, the resulting product can generate dangerous levels of fumes from often-used formaldehyde-based glues.

Industry executives, outraged by what they considered an unnecessary and financially burdensome level of testing, turned every lever within reach to get the requirement removed. It would be particularly onerous, they argued, for small manufacturers that would have to repeatedly interrupt their work to do expensive new testing. The E.P.A. estimated that the expanded requirements for laminate products would cost the furniture industry tens of millions of dollars annually, while the industry said that the proposed rule over all would cost its 7,000 American manufacturing facilities over $200 million each year.

“A lot of people don’t seem to appreciate what a lot of these requirements do to a small operation,” said Dick Titus, executive vice president of the Kitchen Cabinet Manufacturers Association, whose members are predominantly small businesses. “A 10-person shop, for example, just really isn’t equipped to handle that type of thing.”

Photo
 
Becky Gillette wants strong regulation of formaldehyde. Credit Beth Hall for The New York Times

Big industry players also weighed in. Executives from companies including La-Z-Boy, Hooker Furniture and Ashley Furniture all flew to Washington for a series of meetings with the offices of lawmakers including House Speaker John Boehner, Republican of Ohio, and about a dozen other lawmakers, asking several of them to sign a letter prepared by the industry to press the E.P.A. to back down, according to an industry report describing the lobbying visit.

Within a matter of weeks, two letters — using nearly identical language — were sent by House and Senate lawmakers to the E.P.A. — with the industry group forwarding copies of the letters to the agency as well, and then posting them on its website.

The industry lobbyists also held their own meeting at E.P.A. headquarters, and they urged Jim Jones, who oversaw the rule-making process as the assistant administrator for the agency’s Office of Chemical Safety and Pollution Prevention, to visit a North Carolina furniture manufacturing plant. According to the trade group, Mr. Jones told them that the visit had “helped the agency shift its thinking” about the rules and how laminated products should be treated.

The resistance was particularly intense from lawmakers like Mr. Wicker of Mississippi, whose state is home to major manufacturing plants owned by Ashley Furniture Industries, the world’s largest furniture maker, and who is one of the biggest recipients in Congress of donations from the industry’s trade association. Asked if the political support played a role, a spokesman for Mr. Wicker replied: “Thousands of Mississippians depend on the furniture manufacturing industry for their livelihoods. Senator Wicker is committed to defending all Mississippians from government overreach.”

Individual companies like Ikea also intervened, as did the Chinese government, which claimed that the new rule would create a “great barrier” to the import of Chinese products because of higher costs.

Perhaps the most surprising objection came from Senator Boxer, of California, a longtime environmental advocate, whose office questioned why the E.P.A.’s rule went further than her home state’s in seeking testing on laminated products. “We did not advocate an outcome, other than safety,” her office said in a statement about why the senator raised concerns. “We said ‘Take a look to see if you have it right.’ ”

Safety advocates say that tighter restrictions — like the ones Ms. Boxer and Mr. Wicker, along with Representative Doris Matsui, a California Democrat, have questioned — are necessary, particularly for products coming from China, where items as varied as toys and Christmas lights have been found to violate American safety standards.

While Mr. Neltner, the environmental advocate who has been most involved in the review process, has been open to compromise, he has pressed the E.P.A. not to back down entirely, and to maintain a requirement that laminators verify that their products are safe.

An episode of CBS’s “60 Minutes” in March brought attention to the issue when it accused Lumber Liquidators, the discount flooring retailer, of selling laminate products with dangerous levels of formaldehyde. The company has disputed the show’s findings and test methods, maintaining that its products are safe.

“People think that just because Congress passed the legislation five years ago, the problem has been fixed,” said Becky Gillette, who then lived in coastal Mississippi, in the area hit by Hurricane Katrina, and was among the first to notice a pattern of complaints from people living in the trailers. “Real people’s faces and names come up in front of me when I think of the thousands of people who could get sick if this rule is not done right.”

An aide to Ms. Matsui rejected any suggestion that she was bending to industry pressure.

“From the beginning the public health has been our No. 1 concern,” said Kyle J. Victor, an aide to Ms. Matsui.

But further changes to the rule are likely, agency officials concede, as they say they are searching for a way to reduce the cost of complying with any final rule while maintaining public health goals. The question is just how radically the agency will revamp the testing requirement for laminated products — if it keeps it at all.

“It’s not a secret to anybody that is the most challenging issue,” said Mr. Jones, the E.P.A. official overseeing the process, adding that the health consequences from formaldehyde are real. “We have to reduce those exposures so that people can live healthy lives and not have to worry about being in their homes.”

A 214-pound Queens housewife struggled with a lifelong addiction to food until she shed 72 pounds and became the public face of the worldwide weight-control empire Weight Watchers.

Ms. Plisetskaya, renowned for her fluidity of movement, expressive acting and willful personality, danced on the Bolshoi stage well into her 60s, but her life was shadowed by Stalinism.

BEIJING (AP) — The head of Taiwan's Nationalists reaffirmed the party's support for eventual unification with the mainland when he met Monday with Chinese President Xi Jinping as part of continuing rapprochement between the former bitter enemies.

Nationalist Party Chairman Eric Chu, a likely presidential candidate next year, also affirmed Taiwan's desire to join the proposed Chinese-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank during the meeting in Beijing. China claims Taiwan as its own territory and doesn't want the island to join using a name that might imply it is an independent country.

Chu's comments during his meeting with Xi were carried live on Hong Kong-based broadcaster Phoenix Television.

The Nationalists were driven to Taiwan by Mao Zedong's Communists during the Chinese civil war in 1949, leading to decades of hostility between the sides. Chu, who took over as party leader in January, is the third Nationalist chairman to visit the mainland and the first since 2009.

Relations between the communist-ruled mainland and the self-governing democratic island of Taiwan began to warm in the 1990s, partly out of their common opposition to Taiwan's formal independence from China, a position advocated by the island's Democratic Progressive Party.

Despite increasingly close economic ties, the prospect of political unification has grown increasingly unpopular on Taiwan, especially with younger voters. Opposition to the Nationalists' pro-China policies was seen as a driver behind heavy local electoral defeats for the party last year that led to Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou resigning as party chairman.

Even as a high school student, Dave Goldberg was urging female classmates to speak up. As a young dot-com executive, he had one girlfriend after another, but fell hard for a driven friend named Sheryl Sandberg, pining after her for years. After they wed, Mr. Goldberg pushed her to negotiate hard for high compensation and arranged his schedule so that he could be home with their children when she was traveling for work.

Mr. Goldberg, who died unexpectedly on Friday, was a genial, 47-year-old Silicon Valley entrepreneur who built his latest company, SurveyMonkey, from a modest enterprise to one recently valued by investors at $2 billion. But he was also perhaps the signature male feminist of his era: the first major chief executive in memory to spur his wife to become as successful in business as he was, and an essential figure in “Lean In,” Ms. Sandberg’s blockbuster guide to female achievement.

Over the weekend, even strangers were shocked at his death, both because of his relatively young age and because they knew of him as the living, breathing, car-pooling center of a new philosophy of two-career marriage.

“They were very much the role models for what this next generation wants to grapple with,” said Debora L. Spar, the president of Barnard College. In a 2011 commencement speech there, Ms. Sandberg told the graduates that whom they married would be their most important career decision.

In the play “The Heidi Chronicles,” revived on Broadway this spring, a male character who is the founder of a media company says that “I don’t want to come home to an A-plus,” explaining that his ambitions require him to marry an unthreatening helpmeet. Mr. Goldberg grew up to hold the opposite view, starting with his upbringing in progressive Minneapolis circles where “there was woman power in every aspect of our lives,” Jeffrey Dachis, a childhood friend, said in an interview.

The Goldberg parents read “The Feminine Mystique” together — in fact, Mr. Goldberg’s father introduced it to his wife, according to Ms. Sandberg’s book. In 1976, Paula Goldberg helped found a nonprofit to aid children with disabilities. Her husband, Mel, a law professor who taught at night, made the family breakfast at home.

Later, when Dave Goldberg was in high school and his prom date, Jill Chessen, stayed silent in a politics class, he chastised her afterward. He said, “You need to speak up,” Ms. Chessen recalled in an interview. “They need to hear your voice.”

Years later, when Karin Gilford, an early employee at Launch Media, Mr. Goldberg’s digital music company, became a mother, he knew exactly what to do. He kept giving her challenging assignments, she recalled, but also let her work from home one day a week. After Yahoo acquired Launch, Mr. Goldberg became known for distributing roses to all the women in the office on Valentine’s Day.

Ms. Sandberg, who often describes herself as bossy-in-a-good-way, enchanted him when they became friendly in the mid-1990s. He “was smitten with her,” Ms. Chessen remembered. Ms. Sandberg was dating someone else, but Mr. Goldberg still hung around, even helping her and her then-boyfriend move, recalled Bob Roback, a friend and co-founder of Launch. When they finally married in 2004, friends remember thinking how similar the two were, and that the qualities that might have made Ms. Sandberg intimidating to some men drew Mr. Goldberg to her even more.

Over the next decade, Mr. Goldberg and Ms. Sandberg pioneered new ways of capturing information online, had a son and then a daughter, became immensely wealthy, and hashed out their who-does-what-in-this-marriage issues. Mr. Goldberg’s commute from the Bay Area to Los Angeles became a strain, so he relocated, later joking that he “lost the coin flip” of where they would live. He paid the bills, she planned the birthday parties, and both often left their offices at 5:30 so they could eat dinner with their children before resuming work afterward.

Friends in Silicon Valley say they were careful to conduct their careers separately, politely refusing when outsiders would ask one about the other’s work: Ms. Sandberg’s role building Facebook into an information and advertising powerhouse, and Mr. Goldberg at SurveyMonkey, which made polling faster and cheaper. But privately, their work was intertwined. He often began statements to his team with the phrase “Well, Sheryl said” sharing her business advice. He counseled her, too, starting with her salary negotiations with Mark Zuckerberg.

“I wanted Mark to really feel he stretched to get Sheryl, because she was worth it,” Mr. Goldberg explained in a 2013 “60 Minutes” interview, his Minnesota accent and his smile intact as he offered a rare peek of the intersection of marriage and money at the top of corporate life.

 

 

While his wife grew increasingly outspoken about women’s advancement, Mr. Goldberg quietly advised the men in the office on family and partnership matters, an associate said. Six out of 16 members of SurveyMonkey’s management team are female, an almost unheard-of ratio among Silicon Valley “unicorns,” or companies valued at over $1 billion.

When Mellody Hobson, a friend and finance executive, wrote a chapter of “Lean In” about women of color for the college edition of the book, Mr. Goldberg gave her feedback on the draft, a clue to his deep involvement. He joked with Ms. Hobson that she was too long-winded, like Ms. Sandberg, but aside from that, he said he loved the chapter, she said in an interview.

By then, Mr. Goldberg was a figure of fascination who inspired a “where can I get one of those?” reaction among many of the women who had read the best seller “Lean In.” Some lamented that Ms. Sandberg’s advice hinged too much on marrying a Dave Goldberg, who was humble enough to plan around his wife, attentive enough to worry about which shoes his young daughter would wear, and rich enough to help pay for the help that made the family’s balancing act manageable.

Now that he is gone, and Ms. Sandberg goes from being half of a celebrated partnership to perhaps the business world’s most prominent single mother, the pages of “Lean In” carry a new sting of loss.

“We are never at 50-50 at any given moment — perfect equality is hard to define or sustain — but we allow the pendulum to swing back and forth between us,” she wrote in 2013, adding that they were looking forward to raising teenagers together.

“Fortunately, I have Dave to figure it out with me,” she wrote.

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

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Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

Ms. Rendell was a prolific writer of intricately plotted mystery novels that combined psychological insight, social conscience and teeth-chattering terror.