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Setiap tahunnya biaya naik haji baik haji reguler maupun haji khusus / plus pasti berbeda-beda, Call/Wa. 0851-00-444-682 hal ini dikarenakan adanya perubahan komponen harga untuk kebutuhan pokok naik haji seperti biaya transportasi dan akomodasi termasuk living cost yang dibutuhkan jamaah selama berada di tanah suci sangat fluktuatif. Selain menyediakan paket-paket haji onh plus, umrah dan tour muslim sebagai bentuk layanan yang tersedia, Travel Aida Tourindo Wisata juga berusaha menghadirkan mutowif (pembimbing) ibadah umroh haji yang ahli dan mendalami bidang Fiqih Islam, terutama untuk masalah ibadah umrah dan haji.

alhijaz indowisata tours & travel pt

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Setiap tahunnya biaya naik haji baik haji reguler maupun haji khusus / plus pasti berbeda-beda, Call/Wa. 0851-00-444-682 hal ini dikarenakan adanya perubahan komponen harga untuk kebutuhan pokok naik haji seperti biaya transportasi dan akomodasi termasuk living cost yang dibutuhkan jamaah selama berada di tanah suci sangat fluktuatif. Selain menyediakan paket-paket haji onh plus, umrah dan tour muslim sebagai bentuk layanan yang tersedia, Travel Aida Tourindo Wisata juga berusaha menghadirkan mutowif (pembimbing) ibadah umroh haji yang ahli dan mendalami bidang Fiqih Islam, terutama untuk masalah ibadah umrah dan haji.

alhijaz indowisata tours & travel pt indonesia

pt alhijaz indowisata tours & travel

Setiap tahunnya biaya naik haji baik haji reguler maupun haji khusus / plus pasti berbeda-beda, Call/Wa. 0851-00-444-682 hal ini dikarenakan adanya perubahan komponen harga untuk kebutuhan pokok naik haji seperti biaya transportasi dan akomodasi termasuk living cost yang dibutuhkan jamaah selama berada di tanah suci sangat fluktuatif. Selain menyediakan paket-paket haji onh plus, umrah dan tour muslim sebagai bentuk layanan yang tersedia, Travel Aida Tourindo Wisata juga berusaha menghadirkan mutowif (pembimbing) ibadah umroh haji yang ahli dan mendalami bidang Fiqih Islam, terutama untuk masalah ibadah umrah dan haji.

pt alhijaz indowisata tours & travel

situs informasi biaya travel umroh & haji khusus 2017

Setiap tahunnya biaya naik haji baik haji reguler maupun haji khusus / plus pasti berbeda-beda, Call/Wa. 0851-00-444-682 hal ini dikarenakan adanya perubahan komponen harga untuk kebutuhan pokok naik haji seperti biaya transportasi dan akomodasi termasuk living cost yang dibutuhkan jamaah selama berada di tanah suci sangat fluktuatif. Selain menyediakan paket-paket haji onh plus, umrah dan tour muslim sebagai bentuk layanan yang tersedia, Travel Aida Tourindo Wisata juga berusaha menghadirkan mutowif (pembimbing) ibadah umroh haji yang ahli dan mendalami bidang Fiqih Islam, terutama untuk masalah ibadah umrah dan haji.

situs informasi biaya travel umroh & haji khusus 2017

travel haji & umroh jakarta

Setiap tahunnya biaya naik haji baik haji reguler maupun haji khusus / plus pasti berbeda-beda, Call/Wa. 0851-00-444-682 hal ini dikarenakan adanya perubahan komponen harga untuk kebutuhan pokok naik haji seperti biaya transportasi dan akomodasi termasuk living cost yang dibutuhkan jamaah selama berada di tanah suci sangat fluktuatif. Selain menyediakan paket-paket haji onh plus, umrah dan tour muslim sebagai bentuk layanan yang tersedia, Travel Aida Tourindo Wisata juga berusaha menghadirkan mutowif (pembimbing) ibadah umroh haji yang ahli dan mendalami bidang Fiqih Islam, terutama untuk masalah ibadah umrah dan haji.

travel haji & umroh jakarta

info umroh januari 2018 Banten

alhijaz indowisata tour & travel kota jakarta timur dki jakarta 0821-6122-7222 merupakan biro  penyelenggara umrah terpercaya dan telah mengantongi izin legal Kantor Menteri Agama  Republik Indonesia melayani paket umroh January Pebruary Mrt Apr Mey Juny Juli Agustus Sept Oktober November Desember 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022 murah.  dgn harga umroh yg terjangkau fasilitasnya pun sekelas bintang 4 dan 5  hingga Anda  bisa menjalankan ibadah umroh dengan khusyuk sekaligus beristirahat dengan nyaman.  tempat menginap yg akan di jadikan tempat menginap pun tidak begitu jauh  pada tempat ibadah baik saat di Kota Madinah  ataupun Mekkah. Jarak  yg dekat memungkinkan Anda  bakal menghemat  biaya transportasi lantaran Anda dapat menjangkaunya dengan berjalan kaki  sekaligus menikmati suasana di sekitar Masjidil Haram.

info umroh januari 2018 Banten

info umroh januari 2018 Bekasi

pt. alhijaz indowisata jakarta timur 0821-6122-7222 yaitu biro  pelaksana umroh terpercaya dan sudah mempunyai izin legal Kementerian Agama RI mengadakan paket  umrah Jan Pebruary Mrt Apryl Mey Juni Juli August September Oct Nopember Des 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022 murah.  dgn biaya umroh yang terjangkau fasilitasnya pun sekelas bintang 4 dan 5  hingga Anda  bisa menjalankan ibadah umroh dengan khusyuk sekaligus beristirahat  dgn nyaman.  tempat menginap yang akan di jadikan tempat menginap pun  tak terlalu jauh  pada tempat ibadah baik  ketika di Kota Madinah maupun Mekkah. Jarak  yg dekat memungkinkan Anda  utk menghemat  tarif transportasi lantaran Anda dapat menjangkaunya  dgn berjalan kaki sekalian merasakan suasana di sekitar Masjidil Haram.

info umroh januari 2018 Bekasi

info umroh januari 2018 Bogor

alhijaz indowisata jakarta 0821-6122-7222 adalah biro travel umrah terkenal bersama sudah memiliki ijin resmi Kementerian Agama  Republik Indonesia melayani paket  umrah January Februari Maret April Mey Juny July Agustus September Okt Nopember Desember 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022 murah.  dgn biaya umrah yg relatif murah fasilitasnya pun sekelas bintang 4 dan 5 sehingga Anda dapat menunaikan ibadah umroh dgn khusyuk sekaligus beristirahat dengan nyaman.  penginapan yg akan di jadikan tempat menginap pun tidak begitu jauh  pada tempat ibadah baik saat di Kota Madinah  ataupun Mekkah. Jarak yang dekat memungkinkan Anda untuk menghemat  tarif transport lantaran Anda  bisa menjangkaunya dengan berjalan kaki  sekaligus merasakan suasana di  area Masjidil Haram.

info umroh januari 2018 Bogor

info umroh januari 2018 Depok

alhijaz indowisata tours & travel pt 0821-6122-7222 yakni biro  pengelola umrah nomor 1 dan sudah mempunyai izin legal Kementerian Agama RI melayani paket umroh Januari February Mrt Apr Mei Juni July Agustus September October Nov December 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022 murah.  dgn ongkos umroh yg relatif murah fasilitasnya pun sekelas bintang 4 dan 5  hingga Anda dapat menjalankan ibadah umroh dengan khusyuk sekaligus beristirahat dengan nyaman.  penginapan yg akan di jadikan tempat menginap pun tidak begitu jauh dari tempat ibadah baik  dikala di Kota Madinah  ataupun Mekkah. Jarak yang dekat memungkinkan Anda untuk menghemat harga transport lantaran Anda dapat menjangkaunya  dgn berjalan kaki  sambil merasakan suasana di  area Masjidil Haram.

info umroh januari 2018 Depok

saco-indonesia.com, Selama Gunung Kelud meletus pada Kamis malam lalu hingga Senin kemarin (17/2), jumlah pengungsi di lima loka

saco-indonesia.com, Selama Gunung Kelud meletus pada Kamis malam lalu hingga Senin kemarin (17/2), jumlah pengungsi di lima lokasi yang berbeda telah menderita sakit, tercatat ada sekitar 123 orang. Rata-rata, mereka telah menderita penyakit Inspeksi Saluran Pernapasan Akut (ISPA) akibat menghirup banyak debu.

"Rata-rata mereka sakit karena terlalu banyak menghirup debu letusan Kelud," kata Wadan Satgas TNI AL, Letkol Rudi P Napitupulu di Posko Kesehatan Basarnas Lapangan Wates, Kediri, Jawa Timur, Selasa (18/2).

Rudi juga mengatakan, para pengungsi yang telah menderita ISPA di lima lokasi pengungsian itu di antaranya, Pos Pengungsian Wates, Wonorejo, Segaran, Juet dan Tawang.

"Di masing-masing pos, kita juga telah tempatkan beberapa personel, satu dokter umum dan tujuah orang medis, dan sejak Kelud meletus sampai Senin kemarin, jumlah pengungsi yang telah menderita ISPA ada sekitar 123 orang," ujarnya.

Dia juga menjelaskan, untuk langkah awal sebagai bentuk antisipasi atau pengobatan, pihaknya juga telah memberikan injeksi anti biotik sesuai aturan yang bisa digunakan. "Kemudian memberi obat batuk dan menyediakan masker sebagai antisipasi agar tidak kembali menghirup debu," terang Rudi.

Sementara data Satlak Pengungsi Gunung Kelud, telah tercatat ada sekitar 36 ribu pengungsi, yang tersebar di 36 titik di Kediri. Namun, karena banyak yang memaksa kembali pulang sejak Sabtu pagi lalu, jumlah pengungsi yang bertahan tinggal 16.400 jiwa.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

saco-indonesia.com, Untuk yang kesekian kalinya, pasangan Arief-Syahrudin, batal dilantik untuk menjadi wali kota dan wakil wali

saco-indonesia.com, Untuk yang kesekian kalinya, pasangan Arief-Syahrudin, batal dilantik untuk menjadi wali kota dan wakil wali kota Tangerang. Kejadian ini telah menunjukkan, buruknya pemerintahan Banten di tangan Gubernur Banten Ratu Atut Chosiyah.

"Dengan tidak dilantiknya wali kota Tangerang hari ini, saya telah menilai pemerintahan di Banten memburuk. Saya mau cari tahu ini ada apa, saya akan panggil orang pemerintahan," ujar Anggota DPRD Banten Komisi I (membidangi pemerintahan), Agus Wisas, kepada wartawan, Rabu (18/12).

Politikus PDIP ini telah menilai persoalan ini cukup serius. Jika tak segera diselesaikan, ditakutkan kembali terulang.

"Ini persoalan serius, persoalan Kota Tanggerang, jangan dianggap sepele," tambahnya.

Agus juga mengaku kecewa dengan kejadian ini. Perilaku Atut dinilainya sebagai sikap tak menghargai DPRD.

"Saya juga mengingatkan kepada gubernur agar menghargai keputusan yang telah diambil oleh lembaga setingkat DPRD, ini hasil banmus loh," tegas Agus.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Riffa Express perusahaan jasa pengiriman lnternasional ,melayani jasa kirim barang ke luar negeri baik berupa dokumen ,paket &nd

Riffa Express perusahaan jasa pengiriman lnternasional ,melayani jasa kirim barang ke luar negeri baik berupa dokumen ,paket – paket kecil maupun barang barang pindahan.

Bergerak di bidang jasa kurir International kami telah di percaya ratusan perusahaan di Jakarta dan sekitarnya maupun perorangan untuk dapat menangani proses kirim barang ke luar negeri,

kami telah memberikan service terbaik untuk anda dan perusahaan anda dengan harga dan biaya pengiriman yang murah ,cepat aman dan terjamin hingga di terima di tujuan akhir penerima barang.

Dari sejak pertama berdirinya ,Riffa expres memfokuskan diri untuk dapat menangani jasa kirim barang ke luar negeri dengan tarif yang terjangakau dengan estimasi penyampaian yang cepat.

Kami telah memberikan jasa pelayanan dengan sistem door to door atau penjemputan barang ke kantor ataupun rumah pelanggan merupakan salah satu jenis layanan yang kami berikan untuk lebih memudahkan customer customer kami dalam melakuan proses jasa kirim barang ke luar negeri,tanpa harus di repotkan dengan kertas kerja dan  proses penghantaran ke perusahaan ataupun jasa expedisi pengiriman.

Dengan layanan yang mengedepankan kepuasan pelanggan, kami senantiasa terus akan melakukan pengembangan untuk dapat memberikan jasa pelayanan yang tidak hanya murah dari segi biaya pengiriman ,namun juga dengan kualitas pelayanan yang Profesional ,aman cepat dan bertanggung jawab penuh atas keselamatan paket paket pengiriman yang kami tangani.

Percayakan penanganan kirim barang , paket dan dokumen penting perusahaan anda kepada kami,pelayan yang cepat dengan tarif kompetitif akan anda dapatkan.

 

Ingin punya website murah dan berkhualitas, hanya dengan Rp.50.000/Bln anda sudah memiliki website sendiri.

Ingin punya website murah dan berkhualitas,

hanya dengan Rp.50.000/Bln

anda sudah memiliki website sendiri.

Ramah google, yahoo, dan bing. dengan fasilitas sebagai berikut :

1 Ganti Warna

2 Ganti Header

3 Menambah Content

4 Metatag

5 Widget

6. SEO dan

7. bisa Demo dulu

dan anda bisa melihat contoh-contoh website di bawah ini

http://mesinpertanian.blogkreatif.com/
http://bioterra.blogkreatif.com/
http://genset.blogkreatif.com/

jika anda ingin punya website murah dab berkualita anda bisa

hub : 085669970237

        081212608460

emai : pian.alfandy@gmail.com

 

Rak Arsip MAXI TRILLION Rak besi untuk Arsip Maxi Trillion (ISO 9001:2008) Kami adalah pabrik rak besi untuk Arsip. Rak

Rak Arsip MAXI TRILLION

Rak besi untuk Arsip Maxi Trillion (ISO 9001:2008)

Kami adalah pabrik rak besi untuk Arsip. Rak Arsip dengan kapasitas 150 kilogram per hambalan (Total 5 hambalan) dan dengan sistem knock down sangat cocok untuk menyimpan Arsip anda sehingga terbebaskan dari rayap. Rak Arsip Maxi Trillion dicat dengan sistem powder coating sehingga tahan terhadap karat. Tersedia rak arsip dengan berbagai ukuran standard:

Tiang siku berlubang 40 x 40x 2mm, 5 ambalan/level. Plat ambalan terbuat dari baja 0.8 mm lebih tebal dari merek lain.

- P 100 x L 30 (0 Tulang) x T 200 cm – Kapasitas 100 kg
- P 100 x L 40 (1 Tulang) x T 200 cm – Kapasitas 125 kg
- P 100 x L 50 (1 Tulang) x T 200 cm – Kapasitas 150 kg

- P 120 x L 60 (2 Tulang) x T 200 cm – Kapasitas 150kg

Tersedia pula ukuran sesuai dengan permintaan anda. Hubungi kami untuk keterangan lebih lanjut.

Makin banyaknya orang bertransaksi secara online saat ini mulai membuat paradigma baru dalam kehidupan masyarakat. Orang-orang a

Makin banyaknya orang bertransaksi secara online saat ini mulai membuat paradigma baru dalam kehidupan masyarakat. Orang-orang akan semakin mudah berbelanja walaupun penjual dan pembeli tidak saling bertemu secara fisik, tempat merekapun sangat berjauhan. Itulah sebabnya jasa kirim barang semakin di butuhkan terutama oleh para pelaku bisnis ini.

Peluang bisnis dan prospek jasa kirim barang masih sangat bagus dan terus berkembang. Tentu saja bukan hanya orang yang berbisnis online target utama kita, masyarakat umum hingga perusahaan besar sangat membutuhkan bisnis jasa kirim barang ini. Walau begitu, diperlukan riset yang mendalam guna memulai usaha jasa kirim barang.

Ada beberapa hal yang mesti anda lakukan sebelum memulai usaha jasa kirim barang, riset ini juga akan menentukan jenis usaha jasa kirim barang dan jangkauannya.

1. Tentukan daerah operasional dan alat transportasi usaha jasa kirim barang anda.

Bila lokasi usaha anda berada di pusat bisnis kota yang ramai dengan banyak perusahaan, bank, pusat perbelanjaan dan kantor lainnya. Anda juga dapat memilih sepeda motor sebagai sarana transfortasi utama, ruang lingkup daerah operasi anda mungkin akan lebih kecil karena keterbatasan sepeda motor yang tidak dapat mengantar dengan jarak yang jauh dan paket ukuran besar. Namun sepeda motor juga dapat mempercepat pengantaran paket yang dikirim karena pusat bisnis kota adalah daerah macet, memilih sepeda motor sebagai alat transportasi adalah yang terbaik bagi usaha baru.

Bila lokasi usaha anda jauh dari pusat bisnis kota, atau bagi anda yang sudah menguasai pusat bisnis kota. Pilihan menggunakan mobil adalah keharusan, hal ini karena jarak tempuh mobil lebih luas dan paket yang di antar dapat lebih banyak dan ukuran paket yang lebih besar. Semakin luas jangkauan operasi tentu juga akan semakin banyak keuntungan yang di dapat.

2. Tentukan jenis paket layanan yang akan anda antar

Bila lokasi usaha jasa kirim barang anda berada di pusat bisnis kota, anda juga dapat menangani pengiriman surat menyurat, dokumen penting dan paket-paket kecil di dalam kawasan pusat bisnis kota saja. Transfortasi utama yang anda butuhkan adalah sepeda motor. Kuasai dahulu pasar ini sebelum anda memutuskan melebarkan wilayah operasi.

Bila lokasi usaha jasa kiriman barang anda terletak di pinggiran kota, anda juga dapat mengambil semua jenis paket anataran. Mulai dari surat menyurat, dokumen rahasia, paket kecil sampai kargo ukuran besar. Anda juga dapat beroperasi di semua wilayah, tentu dengan dukungan alat transfortasi mobil yang harus anda miliki. Hal ini juga berlaku bagi anda yang sudah menguasai pasar pusat bisnis kota dan ingin melebarkan pelayanan usaha anda.

3. Tentukan tarif layanan yang anda antar

Anda juga harus menentukan besaran tarif yang pas bagi layanan jasa kirim barang anda. Tentunya tarif untuk dapat mengantar surat dengan dokumen rahasia adalah berbeda walaupun ukuran mungkin saja sama, begitu juga paket. Anda juga harus membuat tarif berdasarkan jenis, berat, ukuran dan jarak tempuh antaran paket tersebut.

Anda juga harus menentukan jam operasional, batas kirim barang, biaya tambahan dan layanan lainnya yang ditawarkan. Anda juga harus menentukan jam berapa batas kirim barang yang langsung diantar hari ini atau termasuk antaran esok hari. Ketahui juga tarif dari kompetitor anda diwilayah usaha anda.

4. Promosikan bisnis jasa pengiriman barang anda

Promosi untuk peluang usaha jasa kirim barang adalah suatu keharusan. Buatlah kartu nama dan brosur atau leaflet usaha anda. Bagikan ke kantor kantor di pusat bisnis kota, tempat keramaian atau toko toko di pasar, mal dan disekitar tempat usaha anda. Buat papan nama didepan lokasi usaha, memasang iklan di korandan yelow page.

Anda juga dapat membuat sebuah Website perusahaan yang profesional guna untuk membantu usaha anda secara online. Pastikan website berisi konten berupa daftar tarif, wilayah operasional, waktu pengiriman dan kalau memungkinkan ada traking barang yang sedang diantar.

5. Urus izin usaha agar bisnis anda menjadi resmi

Izin usaha bagi peluang usaha jasa kirim barang merupakan sebuah keharusan juga, hal ini jugs akan dapat meningkatkan kepercayaan dan kredibilitas usaha anda dimata pelanggan. Pelanggan memerlukan kepastian bahwa barang mereka akan sampai sesuai dengan layanan. Anda dapat mengurus Surat izin gangguan, surat izin usaha perdagangan dan perizinan lain yang dibutuhkan di kantor Dinas Perindustrian dan Perdagangan di Daerah Tingkat II atau setingkat dengan Kabupaten atau Kotamadya setempat. Bagi Kabupaten atau kota yang sudah di lengkapi unit pelayanan terpadu bisa mendapatkannya di sana berikut dengan perizinan lainnya.

6. Kerjasama dengan perusahaan jasa kirim barang lain

Adakalanya barang yang hendak anda kirim ternyata telah memiliki tujuan yang jauh, diluar jangkauan dan belum terdapat kantor atau pelayanan ke daerah tersebut. Tentu anda tidak ingin begitu saja menolaknya karena ini adalah peluang bagi anda, apalagi bila itu pelanggan setia anda. Saat ini banyak yang mengajak kerjasama dibidang jasa pengantaran, anda dapat mengambil salah satunya guna melebarkan sayap. Anda juga dapat berkerjasama dengan perusahaan jasa kirim barang terkemuka seperti FedEx, Tiki atau JNE atau Pos Indonesia. Biasanya mereka akan memberikan diskon khusus bagi anda, barang yang anda kirimpun lebih terjamin.

7. Cari pelanggan tetap

Carilah pelanggan tetap, berikan tarif khusus bagi mereka. Anda juga dapat mendatangi kantor kantor atau restauran guna untuk mengurus pengiriman atau delivery barang mereka. Anda juga dapat menempatkan karyawan di tempat pelanggan tetap anda

Selain beberapa hal di atas, anda juga harus memperhatikan kesiapan usaha anda. Perhatikan kualitas pelayanan usaha, kecepatan dan ketepatan pengiriman, dan tentu saja karyawan anda. Pilih karyawan yang mempunyai keinginan untuk membantu. Dalam bidang jasa, kepuasan pelanggan adalah prioritas utama.

 

saco-indonesia.com, Koordinator Investigasi Forum Indonesia untuk Transparansi Anggaran (FITRA) Uchok Sky Khadafi, telah mendesa

saco-indonesia.com, Koordinator Investigasi Forum Indonesia untuk Transparansi Anggaran (FITRA) Uchok Sky Khadafi, telah mendesak agar Inspektur Jenderal (Irjen) Kementerian Agama M Jasin, untuk segera memperjelas identitas oknum pejabat Kemenag yang telah melakukan korupsi Biaya Penyelenggaraan Ibadah Haji (BPIH). Hal ini dimaksudkan agar Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) lebih mudah untuk mengusut kasus tersebut.  
 
“Jasin harus memperjelas siapa oknum pejabat Kemenag. Kalau oknum tersebut eselonnya rendahan tidak akan sampai pada atasan yang paling tinggi,” kata Uchok.
 
Yang jelas, kata Uchok, oknum ini akan juga dikorbankan sebagai tumbal pencitraan seolah-olah untuk dapat memperbaiki sistem pengelolaan dana haji.
 
“Kalau eselon rendahan yang akan dikorbankan, dia dituduh korup, maka persoalan ini tidak akan memperbaiki dalam sistem dana haji. Tetapi hanya menyelamatkan orang-orang yang punya jabatan tinggi,” ujarnya.
 
Sebelumnya, Inspektur Jenderal (Irjen) Kementerian Agama yang juga mantan Wakil Ketua KPK Bidang Pencegahan, M Jasin juga mengakui ada oknum pejabat Kemenag yang melakukan korupsi Biaya Penyelenggaraan Ibadah Haji (BPIH) untuk membeli rumah dan mobil mewah.
 
"Ada beberapa orang di Kemenag yang mengambil uang BPIH dan jumlahnya cukup besar. Bahkan ada seorang staf yang melakukan korupsi dan uangnya dipakai untuk beli mobil dan rumah," kata M Jasin.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

saco-indonesia.com, Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) terus akan mengusut dalam kasus pembangunan dan instalasi IT Gedung Perpu

saco-indonesia.com, Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) terus akan mengusut dalam kasus pembangunan dan instalasi IT Gedung Perpustakaan Pusat Universitas Indonesia (UI) 2010/2011. Hari ini, Lembaga antirusuah itu juga akan melakukan pemeriksaan terhadap pegawai PT Datascrip, Diah.

"Yang bersangkutan telah diperiksa sebagai saksi," kata Kepala Bagian Pemberitaan dan Informasi KPK, Priharsa Nugraha, saat dikonfirmasi, Senin (3/2/2014).

Dia juga menambahkan Diah akan diperiksa sebagai saksi ihwal dugaan korupsi Wakil Rektor UI, Tafsir Nurhamid.

Sebelumnya KPK telah menjemput paksa saksi kasus korupsi IT di perpustakaan UI, Agung Novianarda, pada Kamis 22 Agustus lalu. Menurut Juru bicara KPK, Johan Budi SP, pemanggilan paksa dilakukan lantaran Agung sudah dua kali mangkir dari panggilan KPK.

Dia telah dijemput paksa oleh KPK di Pekanbaru, Riau, guna untuk dimintai keterangan sebagai saksi terkait kasus dugaan korupsi pengadaan instalasi IT gedung perpustakaan UI tahun 2010/2011.

Dalam perkara ini, hasil audit Pengelolaan Dana Masyarakat tahun anggaran 2009-2011 di UI, BPK telah menemukan adanya indikasi kerugian negara sekira Rp45 miliar dalam dua proyek di UI. KPK juga telah menetapkan seorang tersangka, yakni Wakil Rektor Bidang Sumber Daya Manusia, Keuangan dan Administrasi Umum UI, Tafsir Nurchamid.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

saco-indonesia,com, Cara untuk mengobati penyakit tipes dapat anda lakukan secara alami dan tentunya dengan menggunakan bahan al

saco-indonesia,com, Cara untuk mengobati penyakit tipes dapat anda lakukan secara alami dan tentunya dengan menggunakan bahan alami yang dapat dengan mudah anda peroleh. Penyakit tipes sendiri juga merupakan penyakit peradangan pada usus yang diakibatkan karena telah terjadinya infeksi oleh bakteri Salmonella typhosa ataupun Salmonella paratyphosa.

Jenis bakteri yang telah menjadi penyebab munculnya penyakit tipes ini biasa anda temukan dalam makanan yang tidak terjaga kebersihannya. Bakteri tersebut masuk ke dalam tubuh manusia bersama makanan masuk ke lambung hingga ke usus halus. Nah, pada tempat inilah bakteri berkembang biak dan juga lepas menelusuri darah hingga dapat menyebabkan demam yang cukup tinggi. Nah, lantas bagaimanan sebenarnya cara mengobati penyakit tipes?

Sebelum membahas lebih lanjut mengenai cara mengobati penyakit tipes, perlu anda ketahui bahwa penyakit tipes pada dasarnya telah memberikan tanda-tanda khusus yang dapat memberikan gembaran untuk anda. Berikut mengenai gejala-gejala yang biasa dialami oleh penderita penyakit tipes, diantaranya yaitu:

-   Gejala yang paling umum terjadi pada penderita tipes adalah penderita mengalami demam yang cukup tinggi dan semakin lama semakin meningkat. Gejala ini biasanya terjadi pada minggu kedua dan ketiga selama 7 sampai 10 hari dan demam baru akan turun secara bertahap pada minggu keempat.

-  Ketika sedang demam, penderita akan mengigau dan daya ingatnya pun akan turun.

-  Otot terasa nyeri.

- Mual, muntah dan juga perut terasa sakit.

-  Timbul beberapa bercak merah pada perut ataupun dada seperti halnya pada penyakit demam berdarah.

Apabila anda atau rekan anda telah mengalami beberapa gejala tersebut, dapat diduga terkena penyakit tipes. Oleh karena itu, berikut cara mengobati penyakit tipes yang dapat segera anda lakukan sebelum penyakit tipes semakin parah.
Cara mengobati penyakit tipes secara alami

    Cacing tanah
    Mungkin akan terdengar menjijikkan jika anda mendengar kata cacing tanah, terlebih jika anda gunakan untuk pengobatan. Namun, banyak orang yang telah membuktikan bahwa cacing tanah memang juga sangat efektif dalam mengatasi penyakit tipes. Cara mengobati penyakit tipes dengan cacing tanah juga dapat anda lakukan dengan mengolah cacing tanah tersebut sendiri atau membeli di pasaran. Untuk pengolahan sendiri, anda juga dapat merebus cacing tanah yang telah dibuang isi perutnya hingga mendidih dan kemudian anda minum ketika masih hangat. Sedangkan jika anda merasa sangat jijik dengan cara ini, anda dapat membeli kapsul cacing tanah yang saat ini sudah dapat dengan mudah anda dapatkan.
    Teripang
    Berbagai jenis teripang saat ini juga memang sudah dimanfaatkan sebagai obat alternative untuk penyakit tipes. Dalam teripang juga mengandung senyawa yang berfungsi sebagai antibakteri yang mampu untuk menghambat dan membunuh pertumbuhan bakteri penyebab penyakit tipes. Selain itu, teripang juga mampu membantu anda untuk dapat mengatasi penyakit maag kronis.

Itulah bahan yang dapat anda gunakan dalam cara mengobati penyakit tipes. Semoga dapat memberikan manfaat untuk anda.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati
Sumber : www.makponoo.com

THE WRITERS ASHLEY AND JAQUAVIS COLEMAN know the value of a good curtain-raiser. The couple have co-authored dozens of novels, and they like to start them with a bang: a headlong action sequence, a blast of violence or sex that rocks readers back on their heels. But the Colemans concede they would be hard-pressed to dream up anything more gripping than their own real-life opening scene.

In the summer of 2001, JaQuavis Coleman was a 16-year-old foster child in Flint, Mich., the former auto-manufacturing mecca that had devolved, in the wake of General Motors’ plant closures, into one of the country’s most dangerous cities, with a decimated economy and a violent crime rate more than three times the national average. When JaQuavis was 8, social services had removed him from his mother’s home. He spent years bouncing between foster families. At 16, JaQuavis was also a businessman: a crack dealer with a network of street-corner peddlers in his employ.

One day that summer, JaQuavis met a fellow dealer in a parking lot on Flint’s west side. He was there to make a bulk sale of a quarter-brick, or “nine-piece” — a nine-ounce parcel of cocaine, with a street value of about $11,000. In the middle of the transaction, JaQuavis heard the telltale chirp of a walkie-talkie. His customer, he now realized, was an undercover policeman. JaQuavis jumped into his car and spun out onto the road, with two unmarked police cars in pursuit. He didn’t want to get into a high-speed chase, so he whipped his car into a church parking lot and made a run for it, darting into an alleyway behind a row of small houses, where he tossed the quarter-brick into some bushes. When JaQuavis reached the small residential street on the other side of the houses, he was greeted by the police, who handcuffed him and went to search behind the houses where, they told him, they were certain he had ditched the drugs. JaQuavis had been dealing since he was 12, had amassed more than $100,000 and had never been arrested. Now, he thought: It’s over.

But when the police looked in the bushes, they couldn’t find any cocaine. They interrogated JaQuavis, who denied having ever possessed or sold drugs. They combed the backyard alley some more. After an hour of fruitless efforts, the police were forced to unlock the handcuffs and release their suspect.

JaQuavis was baffled by the turn of events until the next day, when he received a phone call. The previous afternoon, a 15-year-old girl had been sitting in her home on the west side of Flint when she heard sirens. She looked out of the window of her bedroom, and watched a young man throw a package in the bushes behind her house. She recognized him. He was a high school classmate — a handsome, charismatic boy whom she had admired from afar. The girl crept outside and grabbed the bundle, which she hid in her basement. “I have something that belongs to you,” Ashley Snell told JaQuavis Coleman when she reached him by phone. “You wanna come over here and pick it up?”

Photo
Three of the nearly 50 works of urban fiction published by the Colemans over the last decade, often featuring drug deals, violence, sex and a brash kind of feminism.Credit Marko Metzinger

In the Colemans’ first novel, “Dirty Money” (2005), they told a version of this story. The outline was the same: the drug deal gone bad, the dope chucked in the bushes, the fateful phone call. To the extent that the authors took poetic license, it was to tone down the meet-cute improbability of the true-life events. In “Dirty Money,” the girl, Anari, and the crack dealer, Maurice, circle each other warily for a year or so before coupling up. But the facts of Ashley and JaQuavis’s romance outstripped pulp fiction. They fell in love more or less at first sight, moved into their own apartment while still in high school and were married in 2008. “We were together from the day we met,” Ashley says. “I don’t think we’ve spent more than a week apart in total over the past 14 years.”

That partnership turned out to be creative and entrepreneurial as well as romantic. Over the past decade, the Colemans have published nearly 50 books, sometimes as solo writers, sometimes under pseudonyms, but usually as collaborators with a byline that has become a trusted brand: “Ashley & JaQuavis.” They are marquee stars of urban fiction, or street lit, a genre whose inner-city settings and lurid mix of crime, sex and sensationalism have earned it comparisons to gangsta rap. The emergence of street lit is one of the big stories in recent American publishing, a juggernaut that has generated huge sales by catering to a readership — young, black and, for the most part, female — that historically has been ill-served by the book business. But the genre is also widely maligned. Street lit is subject to a kind of triple snobbery: scorned by literati who look down on genre fiction generally, ignored by a white publishing establishment that remains largely indifferent to black books and disparaged by African-American intellectuals for poor writing, coarse values and trafficking in racial stereotypes.

But if a certain kind of cultural prestige is shut off to the Colemans, they have reaped other rewards. They’ve built a large and loyal fan base, which gobbles up the new Ashley & JaQuavis titles that arrive every few months. Many of those books are sold at street-corner stands and other off-the-grid venues in African-American neighborhoods, a literary gray market that doesn’t register a blip on best-seller tallies. Yet the Colemans’ most popular series now regularly crack the trade fiction best-seller lists of The New York Times and Publishers Weekly. For years, the pair had no literary agent; they sold hundreds of thousands of books without banking a penny in royalties. Still, they have earned millions of dollars, almost exclusively from cash-for-manuscript deals negotiated directly with independent publishing houses. In short, though little known outside of the world of urban fiction, the Colemans are one of America’s most successful literary couples, a distinction they’ve achieved, they insist, because of their work’s gritty authenticity and their devotion to a primal literary virtue: the power of the ripping yarn.

“When you read our books, you’re gonna realize: ‘Ashley & JaQuavis are storytellers,’ ” says Ashley. “Our tales will get your heart pounding.”

THE COLEMANS’ HOME BASE — the cottage from which they operate their cottage industry — is a spacious four-bedroom house in a genteel suburb about 35 miles north of downtown Detroit. The house is plush, but when I visited this past winter, it was sparsely appointed. The couple had just recently moved in, and had only had time to fully furnish the bedroom of their 4-year-old son, Quaye.

In conversation, Ashley and JaQuavis exude both modesty and bravado: gratitude for their good fortune and bootstrappers’ pride in having made their own luck. They talk a lot about their time in the trenches, the years they spent as a drug dealer and “ride-or-die girl” tandem. In Flint they learned to “grind hard.” Writing, they say, is merely a more elevated kind of grind.

“Instead of hitting the block like we used to, we hit the laptops,” says Ashley. “I know what every word is worth. So while I’m writing, I’m like: ‘Okay, there’s a hundred dollars. There’s a thousand dollars. There’s five thousand dollars.’ ”

They maintain a rigorous regimen. They each try to write 5,000 words per day, five days a week. The writers stagger their shifts: JaQuavis goes to bed at 7 p.m. and wakes up early, around 3 or 4 in the morning, to work while his wife and child sleep. Ashley writes during the day, often in libraries or at Starbucks.

They divide the labor in other ways. Chapters are divvied up more or less equally, with tasks assigned according to individual strengths. (JaQuavis typically handles character development. Ashley loves writing murder scenes.) The results are stitched together, with no editorial interference from one author in the other’s text. The real work, they contend, is the brainstorming. The Colemans spend weeks mapping out their plot-driven books — long conversations that turn into elaborate diagrams on dry-erase boards. “JaQuavis and I are so close, it makes the process real easy,” says Ashley. “Sometimes when I’m thinking of something, a plot point, he’ll say it out loud, and I’m like: ‘Wait — did I say that?’ ”

Their collaboration developed by accident, and on the fly. Both were bookish teenagers. Ashley read lots of Judy Blume and John Grisham; JaQuavis liked Shakespeare, Richard Wright and “Atlas Shrugged.” (Their first official date was at a Borders bookstore, where Ashley bought “The Coldest Winter Ever,” the Sister Souljah novel often credited with kick-starting the contemporary street-lit movement.) In 2003, Ashley, then 17, was forced to terminate an ectopic pregnancy. She was bedridden for three weeks, and to provide distraction and boost her spirits, JaQuavis challenged his girlfriend to a writing contest. “She just wasn’t talking. She was laying in bed. I said, ‘You know what? I bet you I could write a better book than you.’ My wife is real competitive. So I said, ‘Yo, all right, $500 bet.’ And I saw her eyes spark, like, ‘What?! You can’t write no better book than me!’ So I wrote about three chapters. She wrote about three chapters. Two days later, we switched.”

The result, hammered out in a few days, would become “Dirty Money.” Two years later, when Ashley and JaQuavis were students at Ferris State University in Western Michigan, they sold the manuscript to Urban Books, a street-lit imprint founded by the best-selling author Carl Weber. At the time, JaQuavis was still making his living selling drugs. When Ashley got the phone call informing her that their book had been bought, she assumed they’d hit it big, and flushed more than $10,000 worth of cocaine down the toilet. Their advance was a mere $4,000.

Photo
The roots of street lit, found in the midcentury detective novels of Chester Himes and the ‘60s and ‘70s “ghetto fiction” of Iceberg Slim and Donald Goines.Credit Marko Metzinger

Those advances would soon increase, eventually reaching five and six figures. The Colemans built their career, JaQuavis says, in a manner that made sense to him as a veteran dope peddler: by flooding the street with product. From the start, they were prolific, churning out books at a rate of four or five a year. Their novels made their way into stores; the now-defunct chain Waldenbooks, which had stores in urban areas typically bypassed by booksellers, was a major engine of the street-lit market. But Ashley and JaQuavis took advantage of distribution channels established by pioneering urban fiction authors such as Teri Woods and Vickie Stringer, and a network of street-corner tables, magazine stands, corner shops and bodegas. Like rappers who establish their bona fides with gray-market mixtapes, street-lit authors use this system to circumnavigate industry gatekeepers, bringing their work straight to the genre’s core readership. But urban fiction has other aficionados, in less likely places. “Our books are so popular in the prison system,” JaQuavis says. “We’re banned in certain penitentiaries. Inmates fight over the books — there are incidents, you know? I have loved ones in jail, and they’re like: ‘Yo, your books can’t come in here. It’s against the rules.’ ”

The appeal of the Colemans’ work is not hard to fathom. The books are formulaic and taut; they deliver the expected goods efficiently and exuberantly. The titles telegraph the contents: “Diary of a Street Diva,” “Kiss Kiss, Bang Bang,” “Murderville.” The novels serve up a stream of explicit sex and violence in a slangy, tangy, profane voice. In Ashley & JaQuavis’s books people don’t get killed: they get “popped,” “laid out,” get their “cap twisted back.” The smut is constant, with emphasis on the earthy, sticky, olfactory particulars. Romance novel clichés — shuddering orgasms, heroic carnal feats, superlative sexual skill sets — are rendered in the Colemans’ punchy patois.

Subtlety, in other words, isn’t Ashley & JaQuavis’s forte. But their books do have a grainy specificity. In “The Cartel” (2008), the first novel in the Colemans’ best-selling saga of a Miami drug syndicate, they catch the sights and smells of a crack workshop in a housing project: the nostril-stinging scent of cocaine and baking soda bubbling on stovetops; the teams of women, stripped naked except for hospital masks so they can’t pilfer the merchandise, “cutting up the cooked coke on the round wood table.” The subject matter is dark, but the Colemans’ tone is not quite noir. Even in the grimmest scenes, the mood is high-spirited, with the writers palpably relishing the lewd and gory details: the bodies writhing in boudoirs and crumpling under volleys of bullets, the geysers of blood and other bodily fluids.

The luridness of street lit has made it a flashpoint, inciting controversy reminiscent of the hip-hop culture wars of the 1980s and ’90s. But the street-lit debate touches deeper historical roots, reviving decades-old arguments in black literary circles about the mandate to uplift the race and present wholesome images of African-Americans. In 1928, W. E. B. Du Bois slammed the “licentiousness” of “Home to Harlem,” Claude McKay’s rollicking novel of Harlem nightlife. McKay’s book, Du Bois wrote, “for the most part nauseates me, and after the dirtier parts of its filth I feel distinctly like taking a bath.” Similar sentiments have greeted 21st-century street lit. In a 2006 New York Times Op-Ed essay, the journalist and author Nick Chiles decried “the sexualization and degradation of black fiction.” African-American bookstores, Chiles complained, are “overrun with novels that . . . appeal exclusively to our most prurient natures — as if these nasty books were pairing off back in the stockrooms like little paperback rabbits and churning out even more graphic offspring that make Ralph Ellison books cringe into a dusty corner.”

Copulating paperbacks aside, it’s clear that the street-lit debate is about more than literature, touching on questions of paternalism versus populism, and on middle-class anxieties about the black underclass. “It’s part and parcel of black elites’ efforts to define not only a literary tradition, but a racial politics,” said Kinohi Nishikawa, an assistant professor of English and African-American Studies at Princeton University. “There has always been a sense that because African-Americans’ opportunities to represent themselves are so limited in the first place, any hint of criminality or salaciousness would necessarily be a knock on the entire racial politics. One of the pressing debates about African-American literature today is: If we can’t include writers like Ashley & JaQuavis, to what extent is the foundation of our thinking about black literature faulty? Is it just a literature for elites? Or can it be inclusive, bringing urban fiction under the purview of our umbrella term ‘African-American literature’?”

Defenders of street lit note that the genre has a pedigree: a tradition of black pulp fiction that stretches from Chester Himes, the midcentury author of hardboiled Harlem detective stories, to the 1960s and ’70s “ghetto fiction” of Iceberg Slim and Donald Goines, to the current wave of urban fiction authors. Others argue for street lit as a social good, noting that it attracts a large audience that might otherwise never read at all. Scholars like Nishikawa link street lit to recent studies showing increased reading among African-Americans. A 2014 Pew Research Center report found that a greater percentage of black Americans are book readers than whites or Latinos.

For their part, the Colemans place their work in the broader black literary tradition. “You have Maya Angelou, Alice Walker, James Baldwin — all of these traditional black writers, who wrote about the struggles of racism, injustice, inequality,” says Ashley. “We’re writing about the struggle as it happens now. It’s just a different struggle. I’m telling my story. I’m telling the struggle of a black girl from Flint, Michigan, who grew up on welfare.”

Photo
The Colemans in their new four-bedroom house in the northern suburbs of Detroit.Credit Courtesy of Ashley and JaQuavis Coleman

Perhaps there is a high-minded case to be made for street lit. But the virtues of Ashley & JaQuavis’s work are more basic. Their novels do lack literary polish. The writing is not graceful; there are passages of clunky exposition and sex scenes that induce guffaws and eye rolls. But the pleasure quotient is high. The books flaunt a garish brand of feminism, with women characters cast not just as vixens, but also as gangsters — cold-blooded killers, “murder mamas.” The stories are exceptionally well-plotted. “The Cartel” opens by introducing its hero, the crime boss Carter Diamond; on page 9, a gunshot spatters Diamond’s brain across the interior of a police cruiser. The book then flashes back seven years and begins to hurtle forward again — a bullet train, whizzing readers through shifting alliances, romantic entanglements and betrayals, kidnappings, shootouts with Haitian and Dominican gangsters, and a cliffhanger closing scene that leaves the novel’s heroine tied to a chair in a basement, gruesomely tortured to the edge of death. Ashley & JaQuavis’s books are not Ralph Ellison, certainly, but they build up quite a head of steam. They move.

The Colemans are moving themselves these days. They recently signed a deal with St. Martin’s Press, which will bring out the next installment in the “Cartel” series as well as new solo series by both writers. The St. Martin’s deal is both lucrative and legitimizing — a validation of Ashley and JaQuavis’s work by one of publishing’s most venerable houses. The Colemans’ ambitions have grown, as well. A recent trilogy, “Murderville,” tackles human trafficking and the blood-diamond industry in West Africa, with storylines that sweep from Sierra Leone to Mexico to Los Angeles. Increasingly, Ashley & JaQuavis are leaning on research — traveling to far-flung settings and hitting the books in the libraries — and spending less time mining their own rough-and-tumble past.

But Flint remains a source of inspiration. One evening not long ago, JaQuavis led me on a tour of his hometown: a popular roadside bar; the parking lot where he met the undercover cop for the ill-fated drug deal; Ashley’s old house, the site of his almost-arrest. He took me to a ramshackle vehicle repair shop on Flint’s west side, where he worked as a kid, washing cars. He showed me a bathroom at the rear of the garage, where, at age 12, he sneaked away to inspect the first “boulder” of crack that he ever sold. A spray-painted sign on the garage wall, which JaQuavis remembered from his time at the car wash, offered words of warning:

WHAT EVERY YOUNG MAN SHOULD KNOW
ABOUT USING A GUN:
MURDER . . . 30 Years
ARMED ROBBERY . . . 15 Years
ASSAULT . . . 15 Years
RAPE . . . 20 Years
POSSESSION . . . 5 Years
JACKING . . . 20 YEARS

“We still love Flint, Michigan,” JaQuavis says. “It’s so seedy, so treacherous. But there’s some heart in this city. This is where it all started, selling books out the box. In the days when we would get those little $40,000 advances, they’d send us a couple boxes of books for free. We would hit the streets to sell our books, right out of the car trunk. It was a hustle. It still is.”

One old neighborhood asset that the Colemans have not shaken off is swagger. “My wife is the best female writer in the game,” JaQuavis told me. “I believe I’m the best male writer in the game. I’m sleeping next to the best writer in the world. And she’s doing the same.”

 

Frontline  An installment of this PBS program looks at the effects of Ebola on Liberia and other countries, as well as the origins of the outbreak.
Frontline

Frontline An installment of this PBS program looks at the effects of Ebola on Liberia and other countries, as well as the origins of the outbreak.

The program traces the outbreak to its origin, thought to be a tree full of bats in Guinea.

Review: ‘9-Man’ Is More Than a Game for Chinese-Americans

A variation of volleyball with nine men on each side is profiled Tuesday night on the World Channel in an absorbing documentary called “9-Man.”

Television

‘Hard Earned’ Documents the Plight of the Working Poor

“Hard Earned,” an Al Jazeera America series, follows five working-class families scrambling to stay ahead on limited incomes.

WASHINGTON — A decade after emergency trailers meant to shelter Hurricane Katrina victims instead caused burning eyes, sore throats and other more serious ailments, the Environmental Protection Agency is on the verge of regulating the culprit: formaldehyde, a chemical that can be found in commonplace things like clothes and furniture.

But an unusual assortment of players, including furniture makers, the Chinese government, Republicans from states with a large base of furniture manufacturing and even some Democrats who championed early regulatory efforts, have questioned the E.P.A. proposal. The sustained opposition has held sway, as the agency is now preparing to ease key testing requirements before it releases the landmark federal health standard.

The E.P.A.’s five-year effort to adopt this rule offers another example of how industry opposition can delay and hamper attempts by the federal government to issue regulations, even to control substances known to be harmful to human health.

Continue reading the main story
 

Document: The Formaldehyde Fight

Formaldehyde is a known carcinogen that can also cause respiratory ailments like asthma, but the potential of long-term exposure to cause cancers like myeloid leukemia is less well understood.

The E.P.A.’s decision would be the first time that the federal government has regulated formaldehyde inside most American homes.

“The stakes are high for public health,” said Tom Neltner, senior adviser for regulatory affairs at the National Center for Healthy Housing, who has closely monitored the debate over the rules. “What we can’t have here is an outcome that fails to confront the health threat we all know exists.”

The proposal would not ban formaldehyde — commonly used as an ingredient in wood glue in furniture and flooring — but it would impose rules that prevent dangerous levels of the chemical’s vapors from those products, and would set testing standards to ensure that products sold in the United States comply with those limits. The debate has sharpened in the face of growing concern about the safety of formaldehyde-treated flooring imported from Asia, especially China.

What is certain is that a lot of money is at stake: American companies sell billions of dollars’ worth of wood products each year that contain formaldehyde, and some argue that the proposed regulation would impose unfair costs and restrictions.

Determined to block the agency’s rule as proposed, these industry players have turned to the White House, members of Congress and top E.P.A. officials, pressing them to roll back the testing requirements in particular, calling them redundant and too expensive.

“There are potentially over a million manufacturing jobs that will be impacted if the proposed rule is finalized without changes,” wrote Bill Perdue, the chief lobbyist at the American Home Furnishings Alliance, a leading critic of the testing requirements in the proposed regulation, in one letter to the E.P.A.

Industry opposition helped create an odd alignment of forces working to thwart the rule. The White House moved to strike out key aspects of the proposal. Subsequent appeals for more changes were voiced by players as varied as Senator Barbara Boxer, Democrat of California, and Senator Roger Wicker, Republican of Mississippi, as well as furniture industry lobbyists.

Hurricane Katrina in 2005 helped ignite the public debate over formaldehyde, after the deadly storm destroyed or damaged hundreds of thousands of homes along the Gulf of Mexico, forcing families into temporary trailers provided by the Federal Emergency Management Agency.

The displaced storm victims quickly began reporting respiratory problems, burning eyes and other issues, and tests then confirmed high levels of formaldehyde fumes leaking into the air inside the trailers, which in many cases had been hastily constructed.

Public health advocates petitioned the E.P.A. to issue limits on formaldehyde in building materials and furniture used in homes, given that limits already existed for exposure in workplaces. But three years after the storm, only California had issued such limits.

Industry groups like the American Chemistry Council have repeatedly challenged the science linking formaldehyde to cancer, a position championed by David Vitter, the Republican senator from Louisiana, who is a major recipient of chemical industry campaign contributions, and whom environmental groups have mockingly nicknamed “Senator Formaldehyde.”

Continue reading the main story

Formaldehyde in Laminate Flooring

In laminate flooring, formaldehyde is used as a bonding agent in the fiberboard (or other composite wood) core layer and may also be used in glues that bind layers together. Concerns were raised in March when certain laminate flooring imported from China was reported to contain levels of formaldehyde far exceeding the limit permitted by California.

Typical

laminate

flooring

CLEAR FINISH LAYER

Often made of melamine resin

PATTERN LAYER

Paper printed to resemble wood,

or a thin wood veneer

GLUE

Layers may be bound using

formaldehyde-based glues

CORE LAYER

Fiberboard or other

composite, formed using

formaldehyde-based adhesives

BASE LAYER

Moisture-resistant vapor barrier

What is formaldehyde?

Formaldehyde is a common chemical used in many industrial and household products as an adhesive, bonding agent or preservative. It is classified as a volatile organic compound. The term volatile means that, at room temperature, formaldehyde will vaporize, or become a gas. Products made with formaldehyde tend to release this gas into the air. If breathed in large quantities, it may cause health problems.

WHERE IT IS COMMONLY FOUND

POTENTIAL HEALTH RISKS

Pressed-wood and composite wood products

Wallpaper and paints

Spray foam insulation used in construction

Commercial wood floor finishes

Crease-resistant fabrics

In cigarette smoke, or in the fumes from combustion of other materials, including wood, oil and gasoline.

Exposure to formaldehyde in sufficient amounts may cause eye, throat or skin irritation, allergic reactions, and respiratory problems like coughing, wheezing or asthma.

Long-term exposure to high levels has been associated with cancer in humans and laboratory animals.

Exposure to formaldehyde may affect some people more severely than others.

By 2010, public health advocates and some industry groups secured bipartisan support in Congress for legislation that ordered the E.P.A. to issue federal rules that largely mirrored California’s restrictions. At the time, concerns were rising over the growing number of lower-priced furniture imports from Asia that might include contaminated products, while also hurting sales of American-made products.

Maneuvering began almost immediately after the E.P.A. prepared draft rules to formally enact the new standards.

White House records show at least five meetings in mid-2012 with industry executives — kitchen cabinet makers, chemical manufacturers, furniture trade associations and their lobbyists, like Brock R. Landry, of the Venable law firm. These parties, along with Senator Vitter’s office, appealed to top administration officials, asking them to intervene to roll back the E.P.A. proposal.

The White House Office of Management and Budget, which reviews major federal regulations before they are adopted, apparently agreed. After the White House review, the E.P.A. “redlined” many of the estimates of the monetary benefits that would be gained by reductions in related health ailments, like asthma and fertility issues, documents reviewed by The New York Times show.

As a result, the estimated benefit of the proposed rule dropped to $48 million a year, from as much as $278 million a year. The much-reduced amount deeply weakened the agency’s justification for the sometimes costly new testing that would be required under the new rules, a federal official involved in the effort said.

“It’s a redlining blood bath,” said Lisa Heinzerling, a Georgetown University Law School professor and a former E.P.A. official, using the Washington phrase to describe when language is stricken from a proposed rule. “Almost the entire discussion of these potential benefits was excised.”

Senator Vitter’s staff was pleased.

“That’s a huge difference,” said Luke Bolar, a spokesman for Mr. Vitter, of the reduced estimated financial benefits, saying the change was “clearly highlighting more mismanagement” at the E.P.A.

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The review’s outcome galvanized opponents in the furniture industry. They then targeted a provision that mandated new testing of laminated wood, a cheaper alternative to hardwood. (The California standard on which the law was based did not require such testing.)

But E.P.A. scientists had concluded that these laminate products — millions of which are sold annually in the United States — posed a particular risk. They said that when thin layers of wood, also known as laminate or veneer, are added to furniture or flooring in the final stages of manufacturing, the resulting product can generate dangerous levels of fumes from often-used formaldehyde-based glues.

Industry executives, outraged by what they considered an unnecessary and financially burdensome level of testing, turned every lever within reach to get the requirement removed. It would be particularly onerous, they argued, for small manufacturers that would have to repeatedly interrupt their work to do expensive new testing. The E.P.A. estimated that the expanded requirements for laminate products would cost the furniture industry tens of millions of dollars annually, while the industry said that the proposed rule over all would cost its 7,000 American manufacturing facilities over $200 million each year.

“A lot of people don’t seem to appreciate what a lot of these requirements do to a small operation,” said Dick Titus, executive vice president of the Kitchen Cabinet Manufacturers Association, whose members are predominantly small businesses. “A 10-person shop, for example, just really isn’t equipped to handle that type of thing.”

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Becky Gillette wants strong regulation of formaldehyde. Credit Beth Hall for The New York Times

Big industry players also weighed in. Executives from companies including La-Z-Boy, Hooker Furniture and Ashley Furniture all flew to Washington for a series of meetings with the offices of lawmakers including House Speaker John Boehner, Republican of Ohio, and about a dozen other lawmakers, asking several of them to sign a letter prepared by the industry to press the E.P.A. to back down, according to an industry report describing the lobbying visit.

Within a matter of weeks, two letters — using nearly identical language — were sent by House and Senate lawmakers to the E.P.A. — with the industry group forwarding copies of the letters to the agency as well, and then posting them on its website.

The industry lobbyists also held their own meeting at E.P.A. headquarters, and they urged Jim Jones, who oversaw the rule-making process as the assistant administrator for the agency’s Office of Chemical Safety and Pollution Prevention, to visit a North Carolina furniture manufacturing plant. According to the trade group, Mr. Jones told them that the visit had “helped the agency shift its thinking” about the rules and how laminated products should be treated.

The resistance was particularly intense from lawmakers like Mr. Wicker of Mississippi, whose state is home to major manufacturing plants owned by Ashley Furniture Industries, the world’s largest furniture maker, and who is one of the biggest recipients in Congress of donations from the industry’s trade association. Asked if the political support played a role, a spokesman for Mr. Wicker replied: “Thousands of Mississippians depend on the furniture manufacturing industry for their livelihoods. Senator Wicker is committed to defending all Mississippians from government overreach.”

Individual companies like Ikea also intervened, as did the Chinese government, which claimed that the new rule would create a “great barrier” to the import of Chinese products because of higher costs.

Perhaps the most surprising objection came from Senator Boxer, of California, a longtime environmental advocate, whose office questioned why the E.P.A.’s rule went further than her home state’s in seeking testing on laminated products. “We did not advocate an outcome, other than safety,” her office said in a statement about why the senator raised concerns. “We said ‘Take a look to see if you have it right.’ ”

Safety advocates say that tighter restrictions — like the ones Ms. Boxer and Mr. Wicker, along with Representative Doris Matsui, a California Democrat, have questioned — are necessary, particularly for products coming from China, where items as varied as toys and Christmas lights have been found to violate American safety standards.

While Mr. Neltner, the environmental advocate who has been most involved in the review process, has been open to compromise, he has pressed the E.P.A. not to back down entirely, and to maintain a requirement that laminators verify that their products are safe.

An episode of CBS’s “60 Minutes” in March brought attention to the issue when it accused Lumber Liquidators, the discount flooring retailer, of selling laminate products with dangerous levels of formaldehyde. The company has disputed the show’s findings and test methods, maintaining that its products are safe.

“People think that just because Congress passed the legislation five years ago, the problem has been fixed,” said Becky Gillette, who then lived in coastal Mississippi, in the area hit by Hurricane Katrina, and was among the first to notice a pattern of complaints from people living in the trailers. “Real people’s faces and names come up in front of me when I think of the thousands of people who could get sick if this rule is not done right.”

An aide to Ms. Matsui rejected any suggestion that she was bending to industry pressure.

“From the beginning the public health has been our No. 1 concern,” said Kyle J. Victor, an aide to Ms. Matsui.

But further changes to the rule are likely, agency officials concede, as they say they are searching for a way to reduce the cost of complying with any final rule while maintaining public health goals. The question is just how radically the agency will revamp the testing requirement for laminated products — if it keeps it at all.

“It’s not a secret to anybody that is the most challenging issue,” said Mr. Jones, the E.P.A. official overseeing the process, adding that the health consequences from formaldehyde are real. “We have to reduce those exposures so that people can live healthy lives and not have to worry about being in their homes.”

BALTIMORE — In the afternoons, the streets of Locust Point are clean and nearly silent. In front of the rowhouses, potted plants rest next to steps of brick or concrete. There is a shopping center nearby with restaurants, and a grocery store filled with fresh foods.

And the National Guard and the police are largely absent. So, too, residents say, are worries about what happened a few miles away on April 27 when, in a space of hours, parts of this city became riot zones.

“They’re not our reality,” Ashley Fowler, 30, said on Monday at the restaurant where she works. “They’re not what we’re living right now. We live in, not to be racist, white America.”

As Baltimore considers its way forward after the violent unrest brought by the death of Freddie Gray, a 25-year-old black man who died of injuries he suffered while in police custody, residents in its predominantly white neighborhoods acknowledge that they are sometimes struggling to understand what beyond Mr. Gray’s death spurred the turmoil here. For many, the poverty and troubled schools of gritty West Baltimore are distant troubles, glimpsed only when they pass through the area on their way somewhere else.

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Officers blocked traffic at Pennsylvania and West North Avenues after reports that a gun was discharged in the area. Credit Drew Angerer for The New York Times

And so neighborhoods of Baltimore are facing altogether different reckonings after Mr. Gray’s death. In mostly black communities like Sandtown-Winchester, where some of the most destructive rioting played out last week, residents are hoping businesses will reopen and that the police will change their strategies. But in mostly white areas like Canton and Locust Point, some residents wonder what role, if any, they should play in reimagining stretches of Baltimore where they do not live.

“Most of the people are kind of at a loss as to what they’re supposed to do,” said Dr. Richard Lamb, a dentist who has practiced in the same Locust Point office for nearly 39 years. “I listen to the news reports. I listen to the clergymen. I listen to the facts of the rampant unemployment and the lack of opportunities in the area. Listen, I pay my taxes. Exactly what can I do?”

And in Canton, where the restaurants have clever names like Nacho Mama’s and Holy Crepe Bakery and Café, Sara Bahr said solutions seemed out of reach for a proudly liberal city.

“I can only imagine how frustrated they must be,” said Ms. Bahr, 36, a nurse who was out with her 3-year-old daughter, Sally. “I just wish I knew how to solve poverty. I don’t know what to do to make it better.”

The day of unrest and the overwhelmingly peaceful demonstrations that followed led to hundreds of arrests, often for violations of the curfew imposed on the city for five consecutive nights while National Guard soldiers patrolled the streets. Although there were isolated instances of trouble in Canton, the neighborhood association said on its website, many parts of southeast Baltimore were physically untouched by the tumult.

Tensions in the city bubbled anew on Monday after reports that the police had wounded a black man in Northwest Baltimore. The authorities denied those reports and sent officers to talk with the crowds that gathered while other officers clutching shields blocked traffic at Pennsylvania and West North Avenues.

Lt. Col. Melvin Russell, a community police officer, said officers had stopped a man suspected of carrying a handgun and that “one of those rounds was spent.”

Colonel Russell said officers had not opened fire, “so we couldn’t have shot him.”

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Lambi Vasilakopoulos, right, who runs a casual restaurant in Canton, said he was incensed by last week's looting and predicted tensions would worsen. Credit Drew Angerer for The New York Times

The colonel said the man had not been injured but was taken to a hospital as a precaution. Nearby, many people stood in disbelief, despite the efforts by the authorities to quash reports they described as “unfounded.”

Monday’s episode was a brief moment in a larger drama that has yielded anger and confusion. Although many people said they were familiar with accounts of the police harassing or intimidating residents, many in Canton and Locust Point said they had never experienced it themselves. When they watched the unrest, which many protesters said was fueled by feelings that they lived only on Baltimore’s margins, even those like Ms. Bahr who were pained by what they saw said they could scarcely comprehend the emotions associated with it.

But others, like Lambi Vasilakopoulos, who runs a casual restaurant in Canton, said they were incensed by what unfolded last week.

“What happened wasn’t called for. Protests are one thing; looting is another thing,” he said, adding, “We’re very frustrated because we’re the ones who are going to pay for this.”

There were pockets of optimism, though, that Baltimore would enter a period of reconciliation.

“I’m just hoping for peace,” Natalie Boies, 53, said in front of the Locust Point home where she has lived for 50 years. “Learn to love each other; be patient with each other; find justice; and care.”

A skeptical Mr. Vasilakopoulos predicted tensions would worsen.

“It cannot be fixed,” he said. “It’s going to get worse. Why? Because people don’t obey the laws. They don’t want to obey them.”

But there were few fears that the violence that plagued West Baltimore last week would play out on these relaxed streets. The authorities, Ms. Fowler said, would make sure of that.

“They kept us safe here,” she said. “I didn’t feel uncomfortable when I was in my house three blocks away from here. I knew I was going to be O.K. because I knew they weren’t going to let anyone come and loot our properties or our businesses or burn our cars.”

Pronovost, who played for the Red Wings, was not a prolific scorer, but he was a consummate team player with bruising checks and fearless bursts up the ice that could puncture a defense.

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

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Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

UNITED NATIONS — Wearing pinstripes and a pince-nez, Staffan de Mistura, the United Nations envoy for Syria, arrived at the Security Council one Tuesday afternoon in February and announced that President Bashar al-Assad had agreed to halt airstrikes over Aleppo. Would the rebels, Mr. de Mistura suggested, agree to halt their shelling?

What he did not announce, but everyone knew by then, was that the Assad government had begun a military offensive to encircle opposition-held enclaves in Aleppo and that fierce fighting was underway. It would take only a few days for rebel leaders, having pushed back Syrian government forces, to outright reject Mr. de Mistura’s proposed freeze in the fighting, dooming the latest diplomatic overture on Syria.

Diplomacy is often about appearing to be doing something until the time is ripe for a deal to be done.

 

 

Now, with Mr. Assad’s forces having suffered a string of losses on the battlefield and the United States reaching at least a partial rapprochement with Mr. Assad’s main backer, Iran, Mr. de Mistura is changing course. Starting Monday, he is set to hold a series of closed talks in Geneva with the warring sides and their main supporters. Iran will be among them.

In an interview at United Nations headquarters last week, Mr. de Mistura hinted that the changing circumstances, both military and diplomatic, may have prompted various backers of the war to question how much longer the bloodshed could go on.

“Will that have an impact in accelerating the willingness for a political solution? We need to test it,” he said. “The Geneva consultations may be a good umbrella for testing that. It’s an occasion for asking everyone, including the government, if there is any new way that they are looking at a political solution, as they too claim they want.”

He said he would have a better assessment at the end of June, when he expects to wrap up his consultations. That coincides with the deadline for a final agreement in the Iran nuclear talks.

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Whether a nuclear deal with Iran will pave the way for a new opening on peace talks in Syria remains to be seen. Increasingly, though, world leaders are explicitly linking the two, with the European Union’s top diplomat, Federica Mogherini, suggesting last week that a nuclear agreement could spur Tehran to play “a major but positive role in Syria.”

It could hardly come soon enough. Now in its fifth year, the Syrian war has claimed 220,000 lives, prompted an exodus of more than three million refugees and unleashed jihadist groups across the region. “This conflict is producing a question mark in many — where is it leading and whether this can be sustained,” Mr. de Mistura said.

Part Italian, part Swedish, Mr. de Mistura has worked with the United Nations for more than 40 years, but he is more widely known for his dapper style than for any diplomatic coups. Syria is by far the toughest assignment of his career — indeed, two of the organization’s most seasoned diplomats, Lakhdar Brahimi and Kofi Annan, tried to do the job and gave up — and critics have wondered aloud whether Mr. de Mistura is up to the task.

He served as a United Nations envoy in Afghanistan and Iraq, and before that in Lebanon, where a former minister recalled, with some scorn, that he spent many hours sunbathing at a private club in the hills above Beirut. Those who know him say he has a taste for fine suits and can sometimes speak too soon and too much, just as they point to his diplomatic missteps and hyperbole.

They cite, for instance, a news conference in October, when he raised the specter of Srebrenica, where thousands of Muslims were massacred in 1995 during the Balkans war, in warning that the Syrian border town of Kobani could fall to the Islamic State. In February, he was photographed at a party in Damascus, the Syrian capital, celebrating the anniversary of the Iranian revolution just as Syrian forces, aided by Iran, were pummeling rebel-held suburbs of Damascus; critics seized on that as evidence of his coziness with the government.

Mouin Rabbani, who served briefly as the head of Mr. de Mistura’s political affairs unit and has since emerged as one of his most outspoken critics, said Mr. de Mistura did not have the background necessary for the job. “This isn’t someone well known for his political vision or political imagination, and his closest confidants lack the requisite knowledge and experience,” Mr. Rabbani said.

As a deputy foreign minister in the Italian government, Mr. de Mistura was tasked in 2012 with freeing two Italian marines detained in India for shooting at Indian fishermen. He made 19 trips to India, to little effect. One marine was allowed to return to Italy for medical reasons; the other remains in India.

He said he initially turned down the Syria job when the United Nations secretary general approached him last August, only to change his mind the next day, after a sleepless, guilt-ridden night.

Mr. de Mistura compared his role in Syria to that of a doctor faced with a terminally ill patient. His goal in brokering a freeze in the fighting, he said, was to alleviate suffering. He settled on Aleppo as the location for its “fame,” he said, a decision that some questioned, considering that Aleppo was far trickier than the many other lesser-known towns where activists had negotiated temporary local cease-fires.

“Everybody, at least in Europe, are very familiar with the value of Aleppo,” Mr. de Mistura said. “So I was using that as an icebreaker.”

The cease-fire negotiations, to which he had devoted six months, fell apart quickly because of the government’s military offensive in Aleppo the very day of his announcement at the Security Council. Privately, United Nations diplomats said Mr. de Mistura had been manipulated. To this, Mr. de Mistura said only that he was “disappointed and concerned.”

Tarek Fares, a former rebel fighter, said after a recent visit to Aleppo that no Syrian would admit publicly to supporting Mr. de Mistura’s cease-fire proposal. “If anyone said they went to a de Mistura meeting in Gaziantep, they would be arrested,” is how he put it, referring to the Turkish city where negotiations between the two sides were held.

Secretary General Ban Ki-moon remains staunchly behind Mr. de Mistura’s efforts. His defenders point out that he is at the center of one of the world’s toughest diplomatic problems, charged with mediating a conflict in which two of the world’s most powerful nations — Russia, which supports Mr. Assad, and the United States, which has called for his ouster — remain deadlocked.

R. Nicholas Burns, a former State Department official who now teaches at Harvard, credited Mr. de Mistura for trying to negotiate a cease-fire even when the chances of success were exceedingly small — and the chances of a political deal even smaller. For his efforts to work, Professor Burns argued, the world powers will first have to come to an agreement of their own.

“He needs the help of outside powers,” he said. “It starts with backers of Assad. That’s Russia and Iran. De Mistura is there, waiting.”

GREENWICH, Conn. — Mago is in the bedroom. You can go in.

The big man lies on a hospital bed with his bare feet scraping its bottom rail. His head is propped on a scarlet pillow, the left temple dented, the right side paralyzed. His dark hair is kept just long enough to conceal the scars.

The occasional sounds he makes are understood only by his wife, but he still has that punctuating left hand. In slow motion, the fingers curl and close. A thumbs-up greeting.

Hello, Mago.

This is Magomed Abdusalamov, 34, also known as the Russian Tyson, also known as Mago. He is a former heavyweight boxer who scored four knockouts and 14 technical knockouts in his first 18 professional fights. He preferred to stand between rounds. Sitting conveyed weakness.

But Mago lost his 19th fight, his big chance, at the packed Theater at Madison Square Garden in November 2013. His 19th decision, and his last.

Now here he is, in a small bedroom in a working-class neighborhood in Greenwich, in a modest house his family rents cheap from a devoted friend. The air-pressure machine for his mattress hums like an expectant crowd.

 

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Mike Perez, left, and Magomed Abdusalamov during the fight in which Abdusalamov was injured. Credit Joe Camporeale/USA Today Sports, via Reuters

 

Today is like any other day, except for those days when he is hurried in crisis to the hospital. Every three hours during the night, his slight wife, Bakanay, 28, has risen to turn his 6-foot-3 body — 210 pounds of dead weight. It has to be done. Infections of the gaping bedsore above his tailbone have nearly killed him.

Then, with the help of a young caretaker, Baka has gotten two of their daughters off to elementary school and settled down the toddler. Yes, Mago and Baka are blessed with all girls, but they had also hoped for a son someday.

They feed Mago as they clean him; it’s easier that way. For breakfast, which comes with a side of crushed antiseizure pills, he likes oatmeal with a squirt of Hershey’s chocolate syrup. But even oatmeal must be puréed and fed to him by spoon.

He opens his mouth to indicate more, the way a baby does. But his paralysis has made everything a choking hazard. His water needs a stirring of powdered food thickener, and still he chokes — eh-eh-eh — as he tries to cough up what will not go down.

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Mago used to drink only water. No alcohol. Not even soda. A sip of juice would be as far as he dared. Now even water betrays him.

With the caretaker’s help, Baka uses a washcloth and soap to clean his body and shampoo his hair. How handsome still, she has thought. Sometimes, in the night, she leaves the bedroom to watch old videos, just to hear again his voice in the fullness of life. She cries, wipes her eyes and returns, feigning happiness. Mago must never see her sad.

 

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 Abdusalamov's hand being massaged. Credit Ángel Franco/The New York Times

 

When Baka finishes, Mago is cleanshaven and fresh down to his trimmed and filed toenails. “I want him to look good,” she says.

Theirs was an arranged Muslim marriage in Makhachkala, in the Russian republic of Dagestan. He was 23, she was 18 and their future hinged on boxing. Sometimes they would shadowbox in love, her David to his Goliath. You are so strong, he would tell her.

His father once told him he could either be a bandit or an athlete, but if he chose banditry, “I will kill you.” This paternal advice, Mago later told The Ventura County Reporter, “made it a very easy decision for me.”

Mago won against mediocre competition, in Moscow and Hollywood, Fla., in Las Vegas and Johnstown, Pa. He was knocked down only once, and even then, it surprised more than hurt. He scored a technical knockout in the next round.

It all led up to this: the undercard at the Garden, Mike Perez vs. Magomed Abdusalamov, 10 rounds, on HBO. A win, he believed, would improve his chances of taking on the heavyweight champion Wladimir Klitschko, who sat in the crowd of 4,600 with his fiancée, the actress Hayden Panettiere, watching.

Wearing black-and-red trunks and a green mouth guard, Mago went to work. But in the first round, a hard forearm to his left cheek rocked him. At the bell, he returned to his corner, and this time, he sat down. “I think it’s broken,” he repeatedly said in Russian.

 

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Bakanay Abdusalamova, Abdusalamov's wife, and her injured husband and a masseur in the background. Credit Ángel Franco/The New York Times

 

Maybe at that point, somebody — the referee, the ringside doctors, his handlers — should have stopped the fight, under a guiding principle: better one punch too early than one punch too late. But the bloody trade of blows continued into the seventh, eighth, ninth, a hand and orbital bone broken, his face transforming.

Meanwhile, in the family’s apartment in Miami, Baka forced herself to watch the broadcast. She could see it in his swollen eyes. Something was off.

After the final round, Perez raised his tattooed arms in victory, and Mago wandered off in a fog. He had taken 312 punches in about 40 minutes, for a purse of $40,000.

 

 

In the locker room, doctors sutured a cut above Mago’s left eye and tested his cognitive abilities. He did not do well. The ambulance that waits in expectation at every fight was not summoned by boxing officials.

Blood was pooling in Mago’s cranial cavity as he left the Garden. He vomited on the pavement while his handlers flagged a taxi to St. Luke’s-Roosevelt Hospital. There, doctors induced a coma and removed part of his skull to drain fluids and ease the swelling.

Then came the stroke.

 

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A championship belt belonging to Abdusalamov and a card from one of his daughters. Credit Ángel Franco/The New York Times

 

It is lunchtime now, and the aroma of puréed beef and potatoes lingers. So do the questions.

How will Mago and Baka pay the $2 million in medical bills they owe? What if their friend can no longer offer them this home? Will they win their lawsuits against the five ringside doctors, the referee, and a New York State boxing inspector? What about Mago’s future care?

Most of all: Is this it?

A napkin rests on Mago’s chest. As another spoonful of mush approaches, he opens his mouth, half-swallows, chokes, and coughs until it clears. Eh-eh-eh. Sometimes he turns bluish, but Baka never shows fear. Always happy for Mago.

Some days he is wheeled out for physical therapy or speech therapy. Today, two massage therapists come to knead his half-limp body like a pair of skilled corner men.

Soon, Mago will doze. Then his three daughters, ages 2, 6 and 9, will descend upon him to talk of their day. Not long ago, the oldest lugged his championship belt to school for a proud show-and-tell moment. Her classmates were amazed at the weight of it.

Then, tonight, there will be more puréed food and pulverized medication, more coughing, and more tender care from his wife, before sleep comes.

Goodbye, Mago.

He half-smiles, raises his one good hand, and forms a fist.

A 214-pound Queens housewife struggled with a lifelong addiction to food until she shed 72 pounds and became the public face of the worldwide weight-control empire Weight Watchers.