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Setiap tahunnya biaya naik haji baik haji reguler maupun haji khusus / plus pasti berbeda-beda, Call/Wa. 0851-00-444-682 hal ini dikarenakan adanya perubahan komponen harga untuk kebutuhan pokok naik haji seperti biaya transportasi dan akomodasi termasuk living cost yang dibutuhkan jamaah selama berada di tanah suci sangat fluktuatif. Selain menyediakan paket-paket haji onh plus, umrah dan tour muslim sebagai bentuk layanan yang tersedia, Travel Aida Tourindo Wisata juga berusaha menghadirkan mutowif (pembimbing) ibadah umroh haji yang ahli dan mendalami bidang Fiqih Islam, terutama untuk masalah ibadah umrah dan haji.

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alhijaz indowisata tours & travel pt indonesia

Setiap tahunnya biaya naik haji baik haji reguler maupun haji khusus / plus pasti berbeda-beda, Call/Wa. 0851-00-444-682 hal ini dikarenakan adanya perubahan komponen harga untuk kebutuhan pokok naik haji seperti biaya transportasi dan akomodasi termasuk living cost yang dibutuhkan jamaah selama berada di tanah suci sangat fluktuatif. Selain menyediakan paket-paket haji onh plus, umrah dan tour muslim sebagai bentuk layanan yang tersedia, Travel Aida Tourindo Wisata juga berusaha menghadirkan mutowif (pembimbing) ibadah umroh haji yang ahli dan mendalami bidang Fiqih Islam, terutama untuk masalah ibadah umrah dan haji.

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pt alhijaz indowisata tours & travel

Setiap tahunnya biaya naik haji baik haji reguler maupun haji khusus / plus pasti berbeda-beda, Call/Wa. 0851-00-444-682 hal ini dikarenakan adanya perubahan komponen harga untuk kebutuhan pokok naik haji seperti biaya transportasi dan akomodasi termasuk living cost yang dibutuhkan jamaah selama berada di tanah suci sangat fluktuatif. Selain menyediakan paket-paket haji onh plus, umrah dan tour muslim sebagai bentuk layanan yang tersedia, Travel Aida Tourindo Wisata juga berusaha menghadirkan mutowif (pembimbing) ibadah umroh haji yang ahli dan mendalami bidang Fiqih Islam, terutama untuk masalah ibadah umrah dan haji.

pt alhijaz indowisata tours & travel

situs informasi biaya travel umroh & haji khusus 2017

Setiap tahunnya biaya naik haji baik haji reguler maupun haji khusus / plus pasti berbeda-beda, Call/Wa. 0851-00-444-682 hal ini dikarenakan adanya perubahan komponen harga untuk kebutuhan pokok naik haji seperti biaya transportasi dan akomodasi termasuk living cost yang dibutuhkan jamaah selama berada di tanah suci sangat fluktuatif. Selain menyediakan paket-paket haji onh plus, umrah dan tour muslim sebagai bentuk layanan yang tersedia, Travel Aida Tourindo Wisata juga berusaha menghadirkan mutowif (pembimbing) ibadah umroh haji yang ahli dan mendalami bidang Fiqih Islam, terutama untuk masalah ibadah umrah dan haji.

situs informasi biaya travel umroh & haji khusus 2017

travel haji & umroh jakarta

Setiap tahunnya biaya naik haji baik haji reguler maupun haji khusus / plus pasti berbeda-beda, Call/Wa. 0851-00-444-682 hal ini dikarenakan adanya perubahan komponen harga untuk kebutuhan pokok naik haji seperti biaya transportasi dan akomodasi termasuk living cost yang dibutuhkan jamaah selama berada di tanah suci sangat fluktuatif. Selain menyediakan paket-paket haji onh plus, umrah dan tour muslim sebagai bentuk layanan yang tersedia, Travel Aida Tourindo Wisata juga berusaha menghadirkan mutowif (pembimbing) ibadah umroh haji yang ahli dan mendalami bidang Fiqih Islam, terutama untuk masalah ibadah umrah dan haji.

travel haji & umroh jakarta

info umroh januari 2018 Banten

alhijaz indowisata tour & travel kota jakarta timur dki jakarta 0821-6122-7222 merupakan biro  penyelenggara umrah terpercaya dan telah mengantongi izin legal Kantor Menteri Agama  Republik Indonesia melayani paket umroh January Pebruary Mrt Apr Mey Juny Juli Agustus Sept Oktober November Desember 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022 murah.  dgn harga umroh yg terjangkau fasilitasnya pun sekelas bintang 4 dan 5  hingga Anda  bisa menjalankan ibadah umroh dengan khusyuk sekaligus beristirahat dengan nyaman.  tempat menginap yg akan di jadikan tempat menginap pun tidak begitu jauh  pada tempat ibadah baik saat di Kota Madinah  ataupun Mekkah. Jarak  yg dekat memungkinkan Anda  bakal menghemat  biaya transportasi lantaran Anda dapat menjangkaunya dengan berjalan kaki  sekaligus menikmati suasana di sekitar Masjidil Haram.

info umroh januari 2018 Banten

info umroh januari 2018 Bekasi

pt. alhijaz indowisata jakarta timur 0821-6122-7222 yaitu biro  pelaksana umroh terpercaya dan sudah mempunyai izin legal Kementerian Agama RI mengadakan paket  umrah Jan Pebruary Mrt Apryl Mey Juni Juli August September Oct Nopember Des 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022 murah.  dgn biaya umroh yang terjangkau fasilitasnya pun sekelas bintang 4 dan 5  hingga Anda  bisa menjalankan ibadah umroh dengan khusyuk sekaligus beristirahat  dgn nyaman.  tempat menginap yang akan di jadikan tempat menginap pun  tak terlalu jauh  pada tempat ibadah baik  ketika di Kota Madinah maupun Mekkah. Jarak  yg dekat memungkinkan Anda  utk menghemat  tarif transportasi lantaran Anda dapat menjangkaunya  dgn berjalan kaki sekalian merasakan suasana di sekitar Masjidil Haram.

info umroh januari 2018 Bekasi

info umroh januari 2018 Bogor

alhijaz indowisata jakarta 0821-6122-7222 adalah biro travel umrah terkenal bersama sudah memiliki ijin resmi Kementerian Agama  Republik Indonesia melayani paket  umrah January Februari Maret April Mey Juny July Agustus September Okt Nopember Desember 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022 murah.  dgn biaya umrah yg relatif murah fasilitasnya pun sekelas bintang 4 dan 5 sehingga Anda dapat menunaikan ibadah umroh dgn khusyuk sekaligus beristirahat dengan nyaman.  penginapan yg akan di jadikan tempat menginap pun tidak begitu jauh  pada tempat ibadah baik saat di Kota Madinah  ataupun Mekkah. Jarak yang dekat memungkinkan Anda untuk menghemat  tarif transport lantaran Anda  bisa menjangkaunya dengan berjalan kaki  sekaligus merasakan suasana di  area Masjidil Haram.

info umroh januari 2018 Bogor

info umroh januari 2018 Depok

alhijaz indowisata tours & travel pt 0821-6122-7222 yakni biro  pengelola umrah nomor 1 dan sudah mempunyai izin legal Kementerian Agama RI melayani paket umroh Januari February Mrt Apr Mei Juni July Agustus September October Nov December 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022 murah.  dgn ongkos umroh yg relatif murah fasilitasnya pun sekelas bintang 4 dan 5  hingga Anda dapat menjalankan ibadah umroh dengan khusyuk sekaligus beristirahat dengan nyaman.  penginapan yg akan di jadikan tempat menginap pun tidak begitu jauh dari tempat ibadah baik  dikala di Kota Madinah  ataupun Mekkah. Jarak yang dekat memungkinkan Anda untuk menghemat harga transport lantaran Anda dapat menjangkaunya  dgn berjalan kaki  sambil merasakan suasana di  area Masjidil Haram.

info umroh januari 2018 Depok

    saco-indonesia.com,     Indah warna pelangi     Harum bunga mewangi  

    saco-indonesia.com,

    Indah warna pelangi
    Harum bunga mewangi
    Pasti berlalu tanpa arti
    Andaikan kau tak disini

    Di saat ku kecewa
    Kau ganti dengan tawa
    Di saat hatimu terluka
    Untukmu ku selalu ada

    Walau ku tak selalu sempurna
    Hanya kau yang bisa menerima
    Saat tak berdaya
    Kau buatku percaya
    Mendung kan berganti

    Di saat ku kecewa
    Kau ganti dengan tawa
    Di saat hatimu terluka
    Untukmu ku selalu ada

    Walau ku tak selalu sempurna
    Hanya kau yang bisa menerima
    Saat tak berdaya
    Kau buatku percaya
    Mendung kan pasti berganti

    Walau ku tak selalu sempurna
    Hanya kau yang bisa menerima
    Saat tak berdaya
    Kau buatku percaya
    Mendung kan berganti

    
    Editor : Dian Sukmawati

 

saco-indonesia.com, Pagi ini, Kepolisian Daerah (Polda) Metro Jaya telah menggelar simulasi pengamanan pelaksanaan Pemilihan Umu

saco-indonesia.com, Pagi ini, Kepolisian Daerah (Polda) Metro Jaya telah menggelar simulasi pengamanan pelaksanaan Pemilihan Umum (Pemilu) 2014 di depan kantor Bawaslu, Jl MH Thamrin, Jakarta. Ratusan personel polisi dan warga juga ikut serta dalam kegiatan tersebut.

simulasi tersebut langsung dimulai tak lama setelah jalan di sepanjang Bundaran HI hingga perempatan Sarinah ditutup. Sistem contra flow telah diberlakukan bagi kendaraan dari arah Bundaran HI menuju Monas.

Saking seriusnya menggelar simulasi tersebut, Polda Metro juga mengerahkan seluruh armada terbaiknya, mulai dari kendaraan lapis baja, polisi satwa hingga pasukan bermotor. Sejumlah warga juga ikut berkerumun menyaksikan aksi polisi dalam mengatasi aksi unjuk rasa buatan.

Namanya simulasi, demonstrasi buatan tersebut juga tidak menunjukkan sikap yang emosional. Bahkan, warga yang berperan sebagai demonstran pun juga nampak tersenyum-senyum saat menyerang barikade kepolisian.

Sementara, lalu lintas menuju lokasi simulasi telah mengalami kemacetan yang cukup panjang. Antrean kendaraan dilaporkan telah terjadi mulai dari Jl KH Mas Mansyur, Jl Sudirman menuju Monas.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

saco-indonesia.com, Gempa bumi dengan kekuatan 5,3 skala richter (SR) telah mengguncang wilayah Kabupaten Alor, NTT. Gempa telah

saco-indonesia.com, Gempa bumi dengan kekuatan 5,3 skala richter (SR) telah mengguncang wilayah Kabupaten Alor, NTT. Gempa telah terjadi pada pukul 1.06 dinihari WIB, Selasa (11/2).

Seperti yang telah dilansir dari BMKG, lokasi gempa terletak di 8.08 LS - 124.59 BT. Dengan kedalaman gempa 10 km atau 27 Km barat Laut Alor, NTT.

Belum dapat diketahui apakah ada kerusakan akibat gempa ini. Gempa ini juga tidak menimbulkan tsunami


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Kalibrasi merupakan proses verifikasi bahwa suatu alat ukur yang akurat sesuai dengan jenis desain. Kalibrasi ini biasanya dilak

Kalibrasi merupakan proses verifikasi bahwa suatu alat ukur yang akurat sesuai dengan jenis desain. Kalibrasi ini biasanya dilakukan dengan membandingkan standar yang terkait dengan standar nasional dan internasional dan materi referensi bersertifikat.

Kalibrasi diperuntukan pada :

 

    Alat/instrument baru
    Suatu alat/instrument disetiap waktu tertentu
    Suatu alat/instrument setiap waktu penggunaan tertentu (jam operasi)
    Ketika suatu alat/instrument mengalami hantaman atau getaran yang berpotensi dapat merubah kalibrasi
    Ketika hasil pengamatan dipertanyakan

 

Kalibrasi, umumnya, adalah proses untuk menyesuaikan output atau indikasi dari suatu alat/instrument pengukuran agar sesuai dengan besaran/satuan dari standar yang digunakan dalam akurasi/range tertentu. Contohnya, micrometer dapat dikalibrasi sehingga kesalahan pembacaan atau koreksi dapat ditentukan dan disesuaikan (melalui konstanta kalibrasi), sehingga micrometer tersebut menunjukan ukuran yang sebenarnya dalam milimeter pada titik-titik tertentu di skala.

 

Di beberapa negara, termasuk Indonesia, terdapat direktorat metrologi yang memiliki standar pengukuran (dalam SI dan satuan-satuan turunannya) yang akan digunakan sebagai acuan bagi alat/instrument yang dikalibrasi. Direktorat metrologi juga mendukung infrastuktur metrologi di suatu negara (dan, seringkali, negara lain) dengan membangun rantai pengukuran dari standar tingkat tinggi/internasional dengan alat/instrument yang digunakan.

 

Hasil kalibrasi harus disertai pernyataan “traceable uncertainty” atau “ketidakpastian” untuk menentukan tingkat kepercayaan yang di evaluasi dengan seksama dengan analisis ketidakpastian.
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    saco-indonesia.com,     Ku sadari keras watakku padamu     Mungkin ku salah

    saco-indonesia.com,

    Ku sadari keras watakku padamu
    Mungkin ku salah menyakitimu
    Atau mungkin pernah ku menduakanmu
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    Editor : Dian Sukmawati

 

Bekasi, Saco-Indonesia.com - Organ yang namanya jantung adalah salah satu anggota tubuh yang sangat penting dalam tubuh manusia.

Bekasi, Saco-Indonesia.com - Organ yang namanya jantung adalah salah satu anggota tubuh yang sangat penting dalam tubuh manusia. Jantung menjadi sumber darah yang dipompa dan mengalir ke seluruh tubuh. Bahkan detak jantung merupakan salah satu parameter adanya kehidupan dalam diri manusia.

Sedikit masalah pada jantung bisa menyebabkan masalah serius pada organ lain dalam tubuh. Jantung yang sehat memberikan kesempatan bagi manusia untuk hidup lebih lama. Untuk itu, manusia harus senantiasa menjaga kesehatan jantung mereka.

Sakit yang terjadi pada jantung bisa disebabkan oleh dua hal. Pertama adalah sakit bawaan yang dipengaruhi oleh genetik sejak lahir, sementara yang kedua adalah penyakit jantung yang disebabkan gaya hidup dan bisa dicegah. Untuk mencegah penyakit jantung jenis kedua, Anda bisa mengonsumsi beberapa camilan sehat berikut ini, seperti dilansir oleh Boldsky

1. Oat

Oat yang terbuat dari gandum adalah camilan paling sehat untuk jantung. Oat ini bisa menurunkan kolesterol dan menjaga kesehatan jantung. Oat juga mengandung lemak yang sehat serta asam lemak yang bisa menurunkan jumlah kolesterol jahat. Untuk itu, oat diketahui sebagai camilan dan sarapan yang sehat untuk jantung Anda. Menjaga jantung sehat bisa dimulai dengan memasukkan oat pada menu Anda secara teratur.

2. Sandwich roti cokelat

Roti cokelat yang dimaksud di sini bukan roti putih yang berisi cokelat, melainkan roti berwarna cokelat yang terbuat dari gandum utuh. Roti cokelat dari gandum utuh sangat baik untuk jantung, terutama jika dipadukan dengan sayuran dan buah yang mengandung banyak vitamin, mineral dan nutrisi dalam bentuk sandwich. Sandwich roti gandum yang dipotong kecil-kecil bisa menjadi camilan yang menyehatkan untuk Anda. sandwich bisa diisi daun bayam, tomat, mentimun, dan bawang merah untuk membuat jantung lebih sehat.

3. Kecambah

Kecambah mengandung nutrisi yang bisa menyeimbangkan tingkat kolesterol dan menjaga kesehatan jantung. Semangkuk kecambah atau tauge setiap hari dicampur dengan bawang merah, tomat atau sayuran lainnya bisa menjadi camilan yang sangat menyehatkan jantung. Tambahkan juga tauge pada salad atau masakan Anda.

4. Buah dan yogurt

Campuran buah dan yogurt tak hanya mengenyangkan tetapi juga sangat menyehatkan jantung dan membuat Anda kembali berenergi. Yogurt dan buah juga memiliki kandungan lemak yang rendah serta kandungan antioksidan yang sangat tinggi. Tak hanya menyehatkan jantung, camilan sehat ini juga membantu Anda berdiet dan menangkal radikal bebas pada tubuh.

5. Sup

Sup adalah salah satu jenis makanan yang juga bisa Anda konsumsi sebagai camilan. Anda bisa menggunakan berbagai macam sayuran yang menyehatkan jantung seperti bayam dan tomat yang mengandung banyak nutrisi dan antioksidan. Meski bisa dijadikan camilan, namun sup juga bisa mengenyangkan.

Itulah beberapa camilan yang bisa Anda konsumsi untuk menyehatkan jantung. Selain enak dan mudah dibuat, camilan di atas juga kaya nutrisi yang tak hanya menyehatkan jantung tetapi juga membantu Anda tetap bugar.

Sumber : Kompas.com

Editor : Maulana Lee

Terpidana kasus korupsi yang menjadi buronan Kejaksaan Agung, Susno Duadji dikabarkan menyerahkan diri ke pihak kejaksaan. Susno

Terpidana kasus korupsi yang menjadi buronan Kejaksaan Agung, Susno Duadji dikabarkan menyerahkan diri ke pihak kejaksaan. Susno kini sudah berada 'di tangan' tim eksekusi Kejaksaan Agung.

Informasi yang dihimpun detikcom, Jumat (3/5/2013) Susno menyerahkan diri malam tadi. Susno menyerahkan diri setelah ditetapkan buron selama sepekan.

Saat dikonfirmasi Kapuspenkum Kejagung Setia Untung Arimuladi enggan menjelaskan lebih jauh. Dirinya tidak mengetahui persis informasi tersebut.

"Saya tidak tahu," kata Setia saat dikonfirmasi.

Setia juga belum mengetahui soal informasi Jaksa Agung Basrief Arief akan melakukan jumpa pers pagi ini terkait penyerahaan diri Susno.

"Jangan paksa saya ngomong dong kalau saya tidak mau," imbuhnya.

Sementara itu kuasa hukum Susno Fredrich Yunadi juga belum mengetahui informasi tersebut. "Saya tidak tahu, tanya Kejaksaan saja," jawabnya singkat.

Seperti diketahui, Rabu, (24/4) pagi, Jaksa eksekutor dari Kejati DKI, Kejati Jabar dan Kejari Jakarta Selatan yang berjumlah puluhan orang mendatangi rumah Susno Duadji di Dago Pakar, Bandung. Mereka akan melakukan eksekusi pada mantan Kabareskrim itu.

Perdebatan sengitpun tidak dapat dihindarkan. Susno meminta perlindungan dari Polda Jawa Barat. Eksekusi yang berlangsung hingga tengah malam ini pun gagal. Jaksa harus pulang dengan tangan hampa.

Di tengah upaya jaksa mencari dan mengesekusi Susno, tiba-tiba publik dikagetkan dengan kemunculan Susno di Youtube. Dalam video itu, Susno menuding kejaksaan melakukan eksekusi liar.

Dalam rekaman berdurasi 15 menit 34 detik itu, Susno mengaku tidak berupaya melarikan diri untuk menghindar dari eksekusi. Bakal calon anggota legislatif dari Partai Bulan Bintang itu menyatakan, saat ini ia berada di daerah pemilihan Jawa Barat 1.

Saco-Indonesia.com - Sehat tidaknya mengonsumsi telur masih menjadi kontroversi. Pendapat terbaru menyebutkan, konsumsi telur

Saco- Indonesia.com - Sehat tidaknya mengonsumsi telur masih menjadi kontroversi. Pendapat terbaru menyebutkan, konsumsi telur secara berlebihan akan meningkatkan risiko penyakit jantung dan stroke.

Meski selama ini telur dianggap "jahat" karena kandungan kolesterolnya, tapi menurut penelitian yang dimuat dalam New England Journal of Medicine, ternyata bukan kolesterol dalam telur yang meningkatkan risiko penyakit jantung.

Zat metabolit yang ditemukan dalam kuning telur yang disebut licithin disebut sebagai biang keladinya. Saat lecithin dicerna, ia akan dipecah menjadi komponen yang berbeda, termasuk senyawa kimia kolin.

Ketika bakteri di usus memetabolisme kolin, akan dilepaskan kandungan yang oleh liver diubah menjadi komponen yang disebut trimethylamine N-oxide (TMAO).

"TMAO akan mempercepat plak dan pengumpulan kolesterol di pembuluh darah sehingga risiko penyakit jantung dan stroke meningkat," kata Stanley Hazen, kepala departemen kedokteran sel dan molekuler di Cleveland, AS.

Hasil penelitian tersebut dipublikasikan dua minggu setelah kelompok peneliti melaporkan tentang carnitin (ditemukan di daging merah dan minuman energi) dan risiko serangan jantung.

"Kedua penelitian ini menunjukkan cara baru yang potensial untuk mengenali risiko pasien terkena penyakit jantung," kata Hazen.

Lantas, perlukah kita membuang kuning telur? Belum perlu. Menurut Hazen, masih diperlukan studi lebih mendalam untuk mengonfirmasi penemuan awal ini.

"Konsumsi dalam jumlah sedang adalah kunci. Selain itu kurangi makanan yang mengandung lemak tinggi dan kolesterol karena mengandung zat kimia yang akan diubah menjadi TMAO," katanya.

Sumber :Womens Health/Kompas.com

Editor:Maulana Lee

Pemberitaan mengenai kasus hukum yang dibumbui kisah sejumlah wanita di sekelilingnya serta kehidupan para pejabat tinggi yang gonta-ganti pasangan membuat saya harus mengingatkan bahwa kehidupan seks bebas berisiko berbagai penyakit terutama Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV).

Saco-Indonesia.com - Pemberitaan mengenai kasus hukum yang dibumbui kisah sejumlah wanita di sekelilingnya serta kehidupan para pejabat tinggi yang gonta-ganti pasangan membuat saya harus mengingatkan bahwa kehidupan seks bebas berisiko berbagai penyakit terutama Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV).

Pengalaman klinis saya sebagai dokter spesialis penyakit dalam menemukan, pasien dengan HIV terjadi pada semua kalangan. Penyakit ini bisa menulari semua profesi. Ibu rumah tangga (IRT) yang tidak gonti- ganti pasanganpun menderita HIV karena mungkin tertular dari suaminya yang suka "jajan" diluar.

Seorang ibu muda baik-baik yang akan menikah positif mengidap HIV karena kemungkinan tertular dari mantan pacarnya yang memakai narkoba, dimana saat pacaran sewaktu duduk di bangku SMA pernah berhubungan seks beberapa kali. Berdasarkan pengalaman ini, untuk memastikan apakah seseorang menderita HIV AIDS, saya tidak akan melihat status sosial pasien tersebut walau sehormat apapun status sosial pasien tersebut.

Beberapa kali media pernah menguak kehidupan seks para oknum pejabat dan petinggi negara. Gonta-ganti pasangan sepertinya sesuatu hal yang berjalan lumrah. Pejabat tinggi negara termasuk para penguasa daerah yang beristri lebih dari satu juga bukan rahasia lagi. Gratifikasi seks juga sudah tidak menjadi rahasia umum lagi.

Dari sudut agama, jelas bahwa hubungan seks di luar pernikahan merupakan zinah dan amal ibadah orang yang melakukan zinah  tidak diterima selama 40 tahun. Dari sudut kesehatan gonta-ganti pasangan berisiko penyakit, kelompok penyakit akibat gonta-ganti pasangan ini dimasukan sebagai sexually transmitted disease (STD). Untak para wanita yang gonta-ganti pasangan selain penyakit STD tadi juga berisiko untuk terjadinya kanker mulut rahim sedang untuk laki-laki gonta-ganti pasien akan menambah risiko untuk menderita kanker prostat dikemudian hari.

Saya masih ingat ketiga seseorang pasien laki-laki muda datang kepada saya karena menderita infeksi kencing nanah (GO) setelah berhubungan dengan wanita "baik- baik".

Sang pasien tidak habis pikir wanita yang disangka "baik- baik" tersebut ternyata menularkan kencing nanah kepada dirinya. Saat itu saya sampaikan kepada pasien tersebut kalau penyakit kelamin tidak mengenal status sosial pasien yang mengalami penyakit kelamin tersebut.

Siapapun yang berhubungan seks dengan dengan seseorang dengan kehidupan seks gonta-ganti pasangan berpotensi menularkan penyakit yang didapat dari pasangan seks sebelumnya. Pasien dengan HIV positif atau dengan hepatitis B atau C sama dengan orang normal tanpa infeksi virus tersebut. Ketiga penyakit virus ini merupakan penyakit yang dapat ditularkan melalui hubungan seksual.

Yang membedakan bahwa satu dengan yang lain adalah bahwa didalam darah pasien dengan HIV atau pasien dengan hepatitis B atau C mengandung virus tersebut sedang yang lain tidak. Secara fisik tidak dapat dibedakan siapa yang didalam tubuhnya mengandung virus yang sangat berbahaya tersebut.

Oleh karena itu, saat kita berhubungan seks dengan seseorang yang bukan istri kita maka kita sudah berisiko untuk mengalami penyakit infeksi yang berbahaya dan mematikan. Fase tanpa keluhan penderita infeksi virus ini dapat berlangsung selama 5-10 tahun sampai mereka mempunyai gejala. Oleh karena itu sering saya mendapatkan pasien yang mengalami HIV AIDS saat ini dan menduga tertular pada saat 5 atau 10 tahun yang lalu karena mereka menyampaikan setelah menikah 5 tahun belakangan ini mereka tidak pernah berhubungan seks dengan orang lain kecuali kepada istri atau suami sahnya saja.

Kita tahu bahwa penyakit HIV AIDS merupakan penyakit yang berbahaya dan mematikan.Penyakit ini disebabkan oleh virus "Human Immunodeficiency Virus" (HIV), sampai saat ini vaksin yang established yang dapat digunakan secara luas belum ditemukan. Obat-obat anti retroviral (ARV) yang ada saat ini sudah mampu menekan jumlah virus sampai tidak terdeteksi. Bukti klinik membuktikan bahwa pengobatan dengan ARV bisa menekan penyebaran virus sampai lebih 90 %. Di Indonesia ARV saat ini masih gratis dengan akses mudah untuk mendapatkannya. Memang saat ini angka penggunaan ARV di Indonesia masih rendah. Pasien-pasien HIV yang tidak mau mengkonsumsi ARV dengan berbagai alasan lebih cepat menghadap Yang Maha Kuasa.

Gejala klinis akibat virus baru muncul pada penderita infeksi HIV yang sudah lanjut, jika daya tahan tubuhnya sudah menurun. Berbagai infeksi oportunistik akan muncul seperti sariawan karena jamur kandida, TBC paru, infeksi otak, diare kronik karena infeksi jamur atau parasit atau berupa timbul hitam2 dikulit. Selain itu, pasien HIV yang sudah masuk tahap lanjut ini mengalami berat badan turun. Hasil pemeriksaan laboratorium pasien terinfeksi HIV yang lanjut jumlah lekosit akan kurang dari 5.000 dengan limfosit kurang dari 1.000. Diare kronik, sariawan dimulut dan berat badan turun merupakan gejala utama jika pasien sudah mengalami infeksi HIV lanjut dan sudah masuk fase AIDS.

Bagaimana mencegah infeksi ini lebih lanjut?
Stop gonta-ganti pasangan, stop gratifikasi seks. Siapa saja yang pernah melakukan hubungan seksual, terutama hubungan seksual di luar nikah dan pernah menggunakan jarum suntik yang tidak steril atau pernah menggunakan Narkoba jarum suntik dianjurkan untuk memeriksa status HIVnya. Karena semakin dini pasien HIV diberikan obat anti virus (ARV) semakin cepat menurunkan jumlah virus dan mengurangi potensi penularan dan tentu pada akhirnya meningkatkan kualitas hidup orang dengan HIV tersebut

Gonta-ganti pasangan bukan merupakan budaya tapi merupakan kebiasaan dan tentunya kebiasaan buruk. Risiko gonta-ganti pasangan bukan saja pada prianya tapi juga wanitanya, ketika seseorang wanita dirayu oleh uang dan harta dan mengikuti keinginan naluri seks yang memberi uang, sebenarnya para wanita tersebut juga sudah berisiko untuk tertular penyakit dari laki- laki tersebut, begitu pula sebaliknya ketika si pria berhubungan dengan wanita yang mudah diraih dengan rayuan uang atau harta, laki-laki tersebut juga harus sadar mungkin para wanita tersebut baru saja jatuh dari pelukan laki-laki lain yang belum jelas status HIVnya.

Bagi yang belum terjebak dari kebiasaan gonta-ganti pasangan sebaiknya tidak berhubungan seks sebelum menikah dan tetap setia dengan satu pasangan agar tidak terjebak kebiasaaan gonta-ganti pasangan yang beriko penyakit yang berat dan mematikan walau kesenangan tersebut dapat diraih dengan mudah.

Salam sehat,

Dr. Ari Fahrial Syam

Editor : Liwon Maulana

Fullmer, who reigned when fight clubs abounded and Friday night fights were a television staple, was known for his title bouts with Sugar Ray Robinson and Carmen Basilio.

Imagine an elite professional services firm with a high-performing, workaholic culture. Everyone is expected to turn on a dime to serve a client, travel at a moment’s notice, and be available pretty much every evening and weekend. It can make for a grueling work life, but at the highest levels of accounting, law, investment banking and consulting firms, it is just the way things are.

Except for one dirty little secret: Some of the people ostensibly turning in those 80- or 90-hour workweeks, particularly men, may just be faking it.

Many of them were, at least, at one elite consulting firm studied by Erin Reid, a professor at Boston University’s Questrom School of Business. It’s impossible to know if what she learned at that unidentified consulting firm applies across the world of work more broadly. But her research, published in the academic journal Organization Science, offers a way to understand how the professional world differs between men and women, and some of the ways a hard-charging culture that emphasizes long hours above all can make some companies worse off.

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Credit Peter Arkle

Ms. Reid interviewed more than 100 people in the American offices of a global consulting firm and had access to performance reviews and internal human resources documents. At the firm there was a strong culture around long hours and responding to clients promptly.

“When the client needs me to be somewhere, I just have to be there,” said one of the consultants Ms. Reid interviewed. “And if you can’t be there, it’s probably because you’ve got another client meeting at the same time. You know it’s tough to say I can’t be there because my son had a Cub Scout meeting.”

Some people fully embraced this culture and put in the long hours, and they tended to be top performers. Others openly pushed back against it, insisting upon lighter and more flexible work hours, or less travel; they were punished in their performance reviews.

The third group is most interesting. Some 31 percent of the men and 11 percent of the women whose records Ms. Reid examined managed to achieve the benefits of a more moderate work schedule without explicitly asking for it.

They made an effort to line up clients who were local, reducing the need for travel. When they skipped work to spend time with their children or spouse, they didn’t call attention to it. One team on which several members had small children agreed among themselves to cover for one another so that everyone could have more flexible hours.

A male junior manager described working to have repeat consulting engagements with a company near enough to his home that he could take care of it with day trips. “I try to head out by 5, get home at 5:30, have dinner, play with my daughter,” he said, adding that he generally kept weekend work down to two hours of catching up on email.

Despite the limited hours, he said: “I know what clients are expecting. So I deliver above that.” He received a high performance review and a promotion.

What is fascinating about the firm Ms. Reid studied is that these people, who in her terminology were “passing” as workaholics, received performance reviews that were as strong as their hyper-ambitious colleagues. For people who were good at faking it, there was no real damage done by their lighter workloads.

It calls to mind the episode of “Seinfeld” in which George Costanza leaves his car in the parking lot at Yankee Stadium, where he works, and gets a promotion because his boss sees the car and thinks he is getting to work earlier and staying later than anyone else. (The strategy goes awry for him, and is not recommended for any aspiring partners in a consulting firm.)

A second finding is that women, particularly those with young children, were much more likely to request greater flexibility through more formal means, such as returning from maternity leave with an explicitly reduced schedule. Men who requested a paternity leave seemed to be punished come review time, and so may have felt more need to take time to spend with their families through those unofficial methods.

The result of this is easy to see: Those specifically requesting a lighter workload, who were disproportionately women, suffered in their performance reviews; those who took a lighter workload more discreetly didn’t suffer. The maxim of “ask forgiveness, not permission” seemed to apply.

It would be dangerous to extrapolate too much from a study at one firm, but Ms. Reid said in an interview that since publishing a summary of her research in Harvard Business Review she has heard from people in a variety of industries describing the same dynamic.

High-octane professional service firms are that way for a reason, and no one would doubt that insane hours and lots of travel can be necessary if you’re a lawyer on the verge of a big trial, an accountant right before tax day or an investment banker advising on a huge merger.

But the fact that the consultants who quietly lightened their workload did just as well in their performance reviews as those who were truly working 80 or more hours a week suggests that in normal times, heavy workloads may be more about signaling devotion to a firm than really being more productive. The person working 80 hours isn’t necessarily serving clients any better than the person working 50.

In other words, maybe the real problem isn’t men faking greater devotion to their jobs. Maybe it’s that too many companies reward the wrong things, favoring the illusion of extraordinary effort over actual productivity.

Mr. Miller, of the firm Weil, Gotshal & Manges, represented companies including Lehman Brothers, General Motors and American Airlines, and mentored many of the top Chapter 11 practitioners today.

Joseph Lechleider

Mr. Lechleider helped invent DSL technology, which enabled phone companies to offer high-speed web access over their infrastructure of copper wires.

WASHINGTON — The last three men to win the Republican nomination have been the prosperous son of a president (George W. Bush), a senator who could not recall how many homes his family owned (John McCain of Arizona; it was seven) and a private equity executive worth an estimated $200 million (Mitt Romney).

The candidates hoping to be the party’s nominee in 2016 are trying to create a very different set of associations. On Sunday, Ben Carson, a retired neurosurgeon, joined the presidential field.

Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk, as he urges audiences not to forget “the workers in our hotel kitchens, the landscaping crews in our neighborhoods, the late-night janitorial staff that clean our offices.”

Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, a preacher’s son, posts on Twitter about his ham-and-cheese sandwiches and boasts of his coupon-clipping frugality. His $1 Kohl’s sweater has become a campaign celebrity in its own right.

Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky laments the existence of “two Americas,” borrowing the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s phrase to describe economically and racially troubled communities like Ferguson, Mo., and Detroit.

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Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk. Credit Joe Raedle/Getty Images

“Some say, ‘But Democrats care more about the poor,’ ” Mr. Paul likes to say. “If that’s true, why is black unemployment still twice white unemployment? Why has household income declined by $3,500 over the past six years?”

We are in the midst of the Empathy Primary — the rhetorical battleground shaping the Republican presidential field of 2016.

Harmed by the perception that they favor the wealthy at the expense of middle-of-the-road Americans, the party’s contenders are each trying their hardest to get across what the elder George Bush once inelegantly told recession-battered voters in 1992: “Message: I care.”

Their ability to do so — less bluntly, more sincerely — could prove decisive in an election year when power, privilege and family connections will loom large for both parties.

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Questions of understanding and compassion cost Republicans in the last election. Mr. Romney, who memorably dismissed the “47 percent” of Americans as freeloaders, lost to President Obama by 63 percentage points among voters who cast their ballots for the candidate who “cares about people like me,” according to exit polls.

And a Pew poll from February showed that people still believe Republicans are indifferent to working Americans: 54 percent said the Republican Party does not care about the middle class.

That taint of callousness explains why Senator Ted Cruz of Texas declared last week that Republicans “are and should be the party of the 47 percent” — and why another son of a president, Jeb Bush, has made economic opportunity the centerpiece of his message.

With his pedigree and considerable wealth — since he left the Florida governor’s office almost a decade ago he has earned millions of dollars sitting on corporate boards and advising banks — Mr. Bush probably has the most complicated task making the argument to voters that he understands their concerns.

On a visit last week to Puerto Rico, Mr. Bush sounded every bit the populist, railing against “elites” who have stifled economic growth and innovation. In the kind of economy he envisions leading, he said: “We wouldn’t have the middle being squeezed. People in poverty would have a chance to rise up. And the social strains that exist — because the haves and have-nots is the big debate in our country today — would subside.”

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Who Is Running for President (and Who’s Not)?

Republicans’ emphasis on poorer and working-class Americans now represents a shift from the party’s longstanding focus on business owners and “job creators” as the drivers of economic opportunity.

This is intentional, Republican operatives said.

In the last presidential election, Republicans rushed to defend business owners against what they saw as hostility by Democrats to successful, wealthy entrepreneurs.

“Part of what you had was a reaction to the Democrats’ dehumanization of business owners: ‘Oh, you think you started your plumbing company? No you didn’t,’ ” said Grover Norquist, the conservative activist and president of Americans for Tax Reform.

But now, Mr. Norquist said, Republicans should move past that. “Focus on the people in the room who know someone who couldn’t get a job, or a promotion, or a raise because taxes are too high or regulations eat up companies’ time,” he said. “The rich guy can take care of himself.”

Democrats argue that the public will ultimately see through such an approach because Republican positions like opposing a minimum-wage increase and giving private banks a larger role in student loans would hurt working Americans.

“If Republican candidates are just repeating the same tired policies, I’m not sure that smiling while saying it is going to be enough,” said Guy Cecil, a Democratic strategist who is joining a “super PAC” working on behalf of Hillary Rodham Clinton.

Republicans have already attacked Mrs. Clinton over the wealth and power she and her husband have accumulated, caricaturing her as an out-of-touch multimillionaire who earns hundreds of thousands of dollars per speech and has not driven a car since 1996.

Mr. Walker hit this theme recently on Fox News, pointing to Mrs. Clinton’s lucrative book deals and her multiple residences. “This is not someone who is connected with everyday Americans,” he said. His own net worth, according to The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, is less than a half-million dollars; Mr. Walker also owes tens of thousands of dollars on his credit cards.

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But showing off a cheap sweater or boasting of a bootstraps family background not only helps draw a contrast with Mrs. Clinton’s latter-day affluence, it is also an implicit argument against Mr. Bush.

Mr. Walker, who featured a 1998 Saturn with more than 100,000 miles on the odometer in a 2010 campaign ad during his first run for governor, likes to talk about flipping burgers at McDonald’s as a young person. His mother, he has said, grew up on a farm with no indoor plumbing until she was in high school.

Mr. Rubio, among the least wealthy members of the Senate, with an estimated net worth of around a half-million dollars, uses his working-class upbringing as evidence of the “exceptionalism” of America, “where even the son of a bartender and a maid can have the same dreams and the same future as those who come from power and privilege.”

Mr. Cruz alludes to his family’s dysfunction — his parents, he says, were heavy drinkers — and recounts his father’s tale of fleeing Cuba with $100 sewn into his underwear.

Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey notes that his father paid his way through college working nights at an ice cream plant.

But sometimes the attempts at projecting authenticity can seem forced. Mr. Christie recently found himself on the defensive after telling a New Hampshire audience, “I don’t consider myself a wealthy man.” Tax returns showed that he and his wife, a longtime Wall Street executive, earned nearly $700,000 in 2013.

The story of success against the odds is a political classic, even if it is one the Republican Party has not been able to tell for a long time. Ronald Reagan liked to say that while he had not been born on the wrong side of the tracks, he could always hear the whistle. Richard Nixon was fond of reminding voters how he was born in a house his father had built.

“Probably the idea that is most attractive to an average voter, and an idea that both Republicans and Democrats try to craft into their messages, is this idea that you can rise from nothing,” said Charles C. W. Cooke, a writer for National Review.

There is a certain delight Republicans take in turning that message to their advantage now.

“That’s what Obama did with Hillary,” Mr. Cooke said. “He acknowledged it openly: ‘This is ridiculous. Look at me, this one-term senator with dark skin and all of America’s unsolved racial problems, running against the wife of the last Democratic president.”

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

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His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

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Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

Pronovost, who played for the Red Wings, was not a prolific scorer, but he was a consummate team player with bruising checks and fearless bursts up the ice that could puncture a defense.

Late in April, after Native American actors walked off in disgust from the set of Adam Sandler’s latest film, a western sendup that its distributor, Netflix, has defended as being equally offensive to all, a glow of pride spread through several Native American communities.

Tantoo Cardinal, a Canadian indigenous actress who played Black Shawl in “Dances With Wolves,” recalled thinking to herself, “It’s come.” Larry Sellers, who starred as Cloud Dancing in the 1990s television show “Dr. Quinn, Medicine Woman,” thought, “It’s about time.” Jesse Wente, who is Ojibwe and directs film programming at the TIFF Bell Lightbox in Toronto, found himself encouraged and surprised. There are so few film roles for indigenous actors, he said, that walking off the set of a major production showed real mettle.

But what didn’t surprise Mr. Wente was the content of the script. According to the actors who walked off the set, the film, titled “The Ridiculous Six,” included a Native American woman who passes out and is revived after white men douse her with alcohol, and another woman squatting to urinate while lighting a peace pipe. “There’s enough history at this point to have set some expectations around these sort of Hollywood depictions,” Mr. Wente said.

The walkout prompted a rhetorical “What do you expect from an Adam Sandler film?,” and a Netflix spokesman said that in the movie, blacks, Mexicans and whites were lampooned as well. But Native American actors and critics said a broader issue was at stake. While mainstream portrayals of native peoples have, Mr. Wente said, become “incrementally better” over the decades, he and others say, they remain far from accurate and reflect a lack of opportunities for Native American performers. What’s more, as Native Americans hunger for representation on screen, critics say the absence of three-dimensional portrayals has very real off-screen consequences.

“Our people are still healing from historical trauma,” said Loren Anthony, one of the actors who walked out. “Our youth are still trying to figure out who they are, where they fit in this society. Kids are killing themselves. They’re not proud of who they are.” They also don’t, he added, see themselves on prime time television or the big screen. Netflix noted while about five people walked off the “The Ridiculous Six” set, 100 or so Native American actors and extras stayed.

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But in interviews, nearly a dozen Native American actors and film industry experts said that Mr. Sandler’s humor perpetuated decades-old negative stereotypes. Mr. Anthony said such depictions helped feed the despondency many Native Americans feel, with deadly results: Native Americans have the highest suicide rate out of all the country’s ethnicities.

The on-screen problem is twofold, Mr. Anthony and others said: There’s a paucity of roles for Native Americans — according to the Screen Actors Guild in 2008 they accounted for 0.3 percent of all on-screen parts (those figures have yet to be updated), compared to about 2 percent of the general population — and Native American actors are often perceived in a narrow way.

In his Peabody Award-winning documentary “Reel Injun,” the Cree filmmaker Neil Diamond explored Hollywood depictions of Native Americans over the years, and found they fell into a few stereotypical categories: the Noble Savage, the Drunk Indian, the Mystic, the Indian Princess, the backward tribal people futilely fighting John Wayne and manifest destiny. While the 1990 film “Dances With Wolves” won praise for depicting Native Americans as fully fleshed out human beings, not all indigenous people embraced it. It was still told, critics said, from the colonialists’ point of view. In an interview, John Trudell, a Santee Sioux writer, actor (“Thunderheart”) and the former chairman of the American Indian Movement, described the film as “a story of two white people.”

“God bless ‘Dances with Wolves,’ ” Michael Horse, who played Deputy Hawk in “Twin Peaks,” said sarcastically. “Even ‘Avatar.’ Someone’s got to come save the tribal people.”

Dan Spilo, a partner at Industry Entertainment who represents Adam Beach, one of today’s most prominent Native American actors, said while typecasting dogs many minorities, it is especially intractable when it comes to Native Americans. Casting directors, he said, rarely cast them as police officers, doctors or lawyers. “There’s the belief that the Native American character should be on reservations or riding a horse,” he said.

“We don’t see ourselves,” Mr. Horse said. “We’re still an antiquated culture to them, and to the rest of the world.”

Ms. Cardinal said she was once turned down for the role of the wife of a child-abusing cop because the filmmakers felt that casting her would somehow be “too political.”

Another sore point is the long run of white actors playing American Indians, among them Burt Lancaster, Rock Hudson, Audrey Hepburn and, more recently, Johnny Depp, whose depiction of Tonto in the 2013 film “Lone Ranger,” was viewed as racist by detractors. There are, of course, exceptions. The former A&E series “Longmire,” which, as it happens, will now be on Netflix, was roundly praised for its depiction of life on a Northern Cheyenne reservation, with Lou Diamond Phillips, who is of Cherokee descent, playing a Northern Cheyenne man.

Others also point to the success of Mr. Beach, who played a Mohawk detective in “Law & Order: Special Victims Unit” and landed a starring role in the forthcoming D C Comics picture “Suicide Squad.” Mr. Beach said he had come across insulting scripts backed by people who don’t see anything wrong with them.

“I’d rather starve than do something that is offensive to my ancestral roots,” Mr. Beach said. “But I think there will always be attempts to drawn on the weakness of native people’s struggles. The savage Indian will always be the savage Indian. The white man will always be smarter and more cunning. The cavalry will always win.”

The solution, Mr. Wente, Mr. Trudell and others said, lies in getting more stories written by and starring Native Americans. But Mr. Wente noted that while independent indigenous film has blossomed in the last two decades, mainstream depictions have yet to catch up. “You have to stop expecting for Hollywood to correct it, because there seems to be no ability or desire to correct it,” Mr. Wente said.

There have been calls to boycott Netflix but, writing for Indian Country Today Media Network, which first broke news of the walk off, the filmmaker Brian Young noted that the distributor also offered a number of films by or about Native Americans.

The furor around “The Ridiculous Six” may drive more people to see it. Then one of the questions that Mr. Trudell, echoing others, had about the film will be answered: “Who the hell laughs at this stuff?”

Mr. Fox, known for his well-honed countrified voice, wrote about things dear to South Carolina and won over Yankee critics.